[Luigi Cornaro, “Discorsi della vita sobria”, 1558-1565]
The First Discourse: On a Temperate and Healthful Life
It is universally agreed, that custom, in time, becomes a second nature, forcing men to use that, whether good or bad, to which they have been habituated; in fact, we see habit, in many instances, gain the ascendancy over reason. This is so undeniably true, that virtuous men, by keeping company with wicked, often fall into the same vicious course of life. Seeing and considering all this, I have decided to write on the vice of intemperance in eating and drinking.
Now, though all are agreed that intemperance is the parent of gluttony, and sober living the offspring of abstemiousness; yet, owing to the power of custom, the former is considered a virtue, and the latter as mean and avaricious; and so many men are blinded and besotted to such a degree, that they come to the age of forty or fifty, burdened with strange and painful infirmities, which render them decrepit and useless; whereas, had they lived temperately and soberly, they would in all probability have been sound and hearty, to the age of eighty and upward. To remedy this state of things, it is requisite that men should live up to the simplicity dictated by nature, which teaches us to be content with little, and accustom ourselves to eat no more than is absolutely necessary to support life, remembering that all excess causes disease and leads to death. How many friends of mine, men of the finest understanding and most amiable disposition, have I seen carried off in the flower of their manhood by reason of excess and overfeeding, who, had they been temperate, would now be living, and ornaments to society, and whose company I should enjoy with as much pleasure as I am now deprived of it with concern.
In order, therefore, to put a stop to so great an evil, I have resolved, in this short discourse, to demonstrate that intemperance is an abuse which may be removed, and that the good old sober living may be substituted in its stead; and this I undertake the more readily, as many young men of the best understanding have urged upon me its necessity because of many of their parents having died in middle life, while I remain so sound and hearty at the age of eighty-one. These young men express a desire to reach the same term, nature not forbidding us to wish for longevity; and old age, being, in fact, that time of life in which prudence can be best exercised, and the fruits of all the other virtues enjoyed with the least opposition, the senses then being so subdued, that man gives himself up entirely to reason. They besought me to let them know the method pursued by me to attain it; and then finding them intent on so laudable a pursuit, I resolved to treat of that method, in order to be of service, not only to them, but to all those who may be willing to peruse this discourse.
I shall therefore give my reasons for renouncing intemperance and betaking myself to a sober course of life, and declare freely the method pursued by me for that purpose, and then show the good effect upon me; from whence it will be seen how easy it is to remove the abuse of free living. I shall conclude, by showing the many conveniences and blessings of temperate life.
I say, then, that the heavy train of infirmities which had made great inroads on my constitution were my motives for renouncing intemperance, in the matter of too freely eating and drinking, to which I had been addicted, so that, in consequence of it, my stomach became disordered, and I suffered much pain from colic and gout, attended by that which was still worse, an almost continual slow fever, a stomach generally out of order, and a perpetual thirst. From these disorders, the best delivery I had to hope was death.
Finding myself, therefore, between my thirty-fifth and fortieth year in such unhappy circumstances, and having tried everything that could be thought of to relieve me, but to no purpose, the physicians gave me to understand that there was one method left to get the better of my complaints, provided I would resolve to use it, and patiently persevere. This was to live a strictly sober and regular life, which would be of the greatest efficacy; and that of this I might convince myself, since, by my disorders I was become infirm, though not reduced so low but that a regular life might still recover me. They further added, that, if I did not at once adopt this method of strict living, I should in a few months receive no benefit from it, and that in a few more I must resign myself to death.
These arguments made such an impression on me, that, mortified as I was, besides, by the thought of dying in the prime of life, though at the same time perpetually tormented by various diseases, I immediately resolved, in order to avoid at once both disease and death, to betake myself to a regular course of life. Having upon this inquired of them what rules I should follow, they told me that I must only use food, solid or liquid, such as is generally prescribed to sick persons; and both sparingly. These directions, to say the truth, they had before given me, but I had been impatient of such restraint, and had eaten and drank freely of those things I had desired. But, when I had once resolved to live soberly, and according to the dictates of reason, feeling it was my duty as a man so to do, I entered with so much resolution upon this new course of life, that nothing since has been able to divert me from it. The consequence was, that in a few days I began to perceive that such a course agreed well with me; and, by pursuing it, I found myself in less than a year (some people, perhaps, will not believe it) entirely freed from all my complaints.
Having thus recovered my health, I began seriously to consider the power of temperance: if it had efficacy enough to subdue such grievous disorders as mine it must also have power to preserve me in health and strengthen my bad constitution. I therefore applied myself diligently to discover what kinds of food suited me best.
But, first, I resolved to try whether those which pleased my palate were agreeable to my stomach, so that I might judge of the truth of the proverb, which is so universally held, namely: — That, whatever pleases the palate, must agree with the stomach, or, that whatever is palatable must be wholesome and nourishing. The issue was, that I found it to be false, for I soon found that many things which pleased my palate, disagreed with my stomach. Having thus convinced myself that the proverb in question was false, I gave over the use of such meats and wines as did not suit me, and chose those which by experience I found agreed well with me, taking only as much as I could easily digest, having strict regard to quantity as well as quality; and contrived matters so as never to cloy my stomach with eating or drinking, and always rose from the table with a disposition to eat and drink more. In this I conformed to the proverb, which says, that a man to consult his health must check his appetite. Having in this manner conquered intemperance I betook myself entirely to a temperate and regular life, and this it was which effected me that alteration already mentioned, that is, in less than a year, it rid me of all those disorders which had taken such hold on me, and which appeared at the time incurable. It had likewise this other good effect, that I no longer experienced those annual fits of sickness, with which I used to be afflicted while I followed my ordinary free manner of eating and drinking. I also became exceedingly healthy, as I have continued from that time to this day; and for no other reason than that I never transgressed against regularity and strict moderation.
In consequence, therefore, of my taking such methods, I have always enjoyed, and, God be praised, still enjoy, the best of health. It is true, that, besides the two most important rules relative to eating and drinking, which I have ever been very scrupulous to observe (that is, not to take of either, more than my stomach could easily digest, and to use only those things which agree with me), I have carefully avoided, as far as possible, all extreme heat, cold, extraordinary fatigue, interruption of my usual hours of rest, and staying long in bad air. I likewise did all that lay in my power, to avoid those evils, which we do not find it so easy to remove: melancholy, hatred, and other violent passions, which appear to have the greatest influence on our bodies. I have not, however, been able to guard so well against these disorders, as not to suffer myself now and then to be hurried away by them. But I have discovered this fact, that these passions, have, in the main, no great influence over bodies governed by the two foregoing rules of eating and drinking. Galen, who was an eminent physician, has said, that, so long as he followed these two rules, he suffered but little from such disorders, so little, that they never gave him above a day’s uneasiness. That what he says is true, I am a living witness, and so are many others who know me, and have seen me, how often I have been exposed to heats and colds, and disagreeable changes of weather, without taking harm, and have likewise seen me (owing to various misfortunes which have more than once befallen me) greatly disturbed in mind; these things, however, did me but little harm, whereas, other members of my family, who followed not my way of living, were greatly disturbed; such in a word, was their grief and dejection at seeing me involved in expensive law suits, commenced against me by great and powerful men, that, fearing I should be ruined, they were seized with great melancholy humor, with which intemperate bodies always abound, and such influence had it over their bodies, that they were carried off before their time; whereas, I suffered nothing on the occasion, as I had in me no superfluous humors of that kind; nay, in order to keep up my spirits, I brought myself to think that God had permitted these suits against me, in order to make me more sensible of my strength of body and mind; and that I should get the better of them with honor and advantage, as it, in fact, came to pass; for, at last, I obtained a decree exceedingly favorable to my fortune and character.
But I may go a step farther, and show how favorable to recovery is a temperate life, in case of accident. At the age of seventy years, I happened, as is often the case, to be in a coach, which, going at a smart rate, was upset, and in that condition drawn a considerable way before the horses could be stopped. I received so many shocks and bruises, that I was taken out with my head and body terribly battered, and a dislocated leg and arm. When the physicians saw me in so bad a plight, they concluded that in three days I should die, but thought they would try what bleeding and purging would do, in order to prevent inflammation and fever. But I, on the contrary, knowing that, by reason of the sober life I had lived for so many years, my blood was in good and pure condition, refused to be either purged or bled. I just caused my arm and leg to be set, and suffered myself to be rubbed with some oils, which they said were proper on the occasion. Thus, without using any other kind of remedy, I recovered, as I thought I should, without feeling the least alteration in myself, or any bad effects from the accident; a thing which appeared no less than miraculous in the eyes of the physicians. Hence, we may infer, that he who leads a sober and regular life, and commits no excess in his diet, can suffer but little from mental disorders or external accidents. On the contrary, I conclude, especially from the late trial I have had, that excesses in eating and drinking are often fatal. Four years ago, I consented to increase the quantity of my food by two ounces, my friends and relations having, for some time past, urged upon me the necessity of such increase, that the quantity I took was too little for one so advanced in years; against this, I urged that nature was content with little, and that with this small quantity I had preserved myself for many years in health and activity, that I believed as a man advanced in years, his stomach grew weaker, and therefore the tendency should be to lessen the amount of food rather than to increase. I further reminded them of the two proverbs, which say: he who has a mind to eat a great deal, must eat but little; eating little makes life long, and, living long, he must eat much; and the other proverb was: that, what we leave after making a hearty meal, does us more good than what we have eaten. But my arguments and proverbs were not able to prevent them teasing me upon the subject; therefore, not to appear obstinate, or affecting to know more than the physicians themselves, but above all, to please my family, I consented to the increase before mentioned; so that, whereas previous, what with bread, meat, the yolk of an egg, and soup, I ate as much as twelve ounces, neither more nor less, I now increased it to fourteen; and whereas before I drank but fourteen ounces of wine, I now increased it to sixteen. This increase, had, in eight days’ time, such an effect upon me, that, from being cheerful and brisk, I began to be peevish and melancholy, so that nothing could please me. On the twelfth day, I was attacked with a violent pain in my side, which lasted twenty-two hours and was followed by a fever, which continued thirty-five days without any respite, insomuch that all looked upon me as a dead man; but, God be praised, I recovered, and I am positive that it was the great regularity I had observed for so many years, and that only, which rescued me from the jaws of death.
Orderly living is, doubtless, a most certain cause and foundation of health and long life; nay, I say it is the only true medicine, and whoever weighs the matter well, will come to this conclusion. Hence it is, that when the physician comes to visit a patient, the first thing he prescribes is regular living, and certainly to avoid excess. Now, if the patient after recovery should continue so to live, he could not be sick again, and if a very small quantity of food is sufficient to restore his health, then but a slight addition is necessary for the continuance of the same; and so, for the future, he would want neither physician nor physic. Nay, by attending to what I have said, he would become his own physician, and indeed, the best he could have, since, in fact, no man should be a perfect physician to any but himself. The reason is, that any man, by repeated trials, may acquire a perfect knowledge of his own constitution, the kinds of food and drink which agree with him best. These repeated trials are necessary, as there is a great variety in the nature and stomachs of persons. I found that old wine did not suit me, but that the new wines did; and, after long practice, I discovered that many things, which might not be injurious to others, were not good for me. Now, where is the physician who could have informed me which to take, and which to avoid, since I by long observation, could scarce discover these things.
It follows, therefore, that it is impossible to be a perfect physician to another. A man cannot have a better guide than himself, nor any physic better than a regular life. I do not, however, mean that for the knowledge and cure of such disorders as befall those who live an irregular life there is no occasion for a physician and that his assistance ought to be slighted; such persons should at once call in medical aid, in case of sickness. But, for the bare purpose of keeping ourselves in good health, I am of opinion, that we should consider this regular life as our physician, since it preserves men, even those of a weak constitution, in health; makes them live sound and hearty, to the age of one hundred and upward, and prevents their dying of sickness, or through the corruption of their humors, but merely by the natural decay, which at the last must come to all. These things, however, are discovered but by few, for men, for the most part, are sensual and intemperate, and love to satisfy their appetites, and to commit every excess; and, by way of apology, say that they prefer a short and self-indulgent life, to a long and self-denying one, not knowing that those men are most truly happy who keep their appetites in subjection. Thus have I found it, and I prefer to live temperately, so that I may live long and be useful. Had I not been temperate, I should never have written these tracts, which I have the pleasure of thinking will be serviceable to others. Sensual men affirm that no man can live a regular life. To this I answer, that Galen, who was a great physician, led such a life, and chose it as the best physic. The same did Plato, Cicero, Isocrates, and many other great men of former times, whom not to tire the reader I forbear naming; and, in our days, Pope Paul Farnese and Cardinal Bembo; and it was for that reason they lived so long. Therefore, since many have led this life, and many are actually leading it, surely all might conform to it, and the more so, as no great difficulty attends it. Cicero affirms that nothing is needed, but to be in good earnest. Plato, you say, though he himself lived thus regularly, affirms that, in republics, men often cannot do so, being obliged to expose themselves to various hardships and changes, which are incompatible with a regular life. I answer, that men who have to undergo these things, would be the better able to bear such hardships by being strictly temperate in matters of eating and drinking.
Here it may be objected, that he who leads this strict and regular life, having constantly when well made use only of simple food fit for the sick, and in small quantities, has when himself in sickness, no recourse left in matters of diet. To which I reply, that, whoever leads a regular life, cannot be sick or at least but seldom. By a regular life I mean, that a man shall ascertain for himself, how small a quantity of food and drink is sufficient to supply the daily wants of his nature and then having done this, and found out the kinds of food and drink best suited for his constitution, he shall, having formed his plans, strictly adhere to his resolutions and principles, not being careful at one time, and self-indulgent at others, for by so doing, he would gain but little benefit; but taking care always to avoid excess, which any man can certainly do at all times, and under all circumstances, if he is determined. I say then, that he who thus lives cannot be sick, or but seldom, and for a short time, because, by regular living, he destroys every seed of sickness, and thus, by removing the cause, prevents the effect; so that he who pursues a regular and strictly moderate life, need not fear illness, for his blood having become pure, and free from all bad humors, it is not possible that he can fall sick.
Since, therefore, it appears that a regular life is also profitable and virtuous, it ought to be universally followed, and more so, as it does not clash with duties of any kind, but is easy to all. Neither is it necessary that all should eat as little as I do—twelve ounces—or not to eat of many things from which I, because of the natural weakness of my stomach, abstain. Those with whom all kinds of food agree, may eat of such, only they are forbidden to eat a greater quantity, even of that which agrees with them best, than their stomachs can with ease digest. The same is to be understood of drink. The only rule for such to observe in eating and drinking, is the quantity rather than the quality; but for those who, like myself, are weak of constitution, these must not only be careful as to quantity, but also to quality, partaking only of such things as are simple, and easy to digest.
Let no one tell me that there are numbers, who, though they live most irregularly, attain in health and spirits to a great age. This argument is grounded on uncertainty and hazard, and such cases are rare. Men should not, therefore, because of these exceptional cases, be persuaded to irregularity or indulgence. Whoever, trusting to the strength of his constitution, slights these observations, may expect to suffer by so doing, and to live inconstant danger of disease and death. I therefore affirm, that a man, even of a bad constitution, who leads a strictly regular and sober life, is surer of a long one, than he of the best constitution who lives carelessly and irregularly. If men have a mind to live long and healthy, and die without sickness of body or mind, but by mere dissolution, they must submit to a regular and abstemious life, for such a life keeps the blood clean and pure. It suffers no vapors to ascend from the stomach to the head; hence, the brain of him who thus lives enjoys constant serenity; he can soar above the low and groveling concerns of this life to the exalted and beautiful contemplation of heavenly things to his exceeding comfort and satisfaction. He then truly discerns the brutality of those excesses into which men fall, and which bring them misery here and hereafter; while he may with comfort look forward to a long life, conscious that, through the mercy of God, he has relinquished the paths of vice and intemperance, never again to enter them; and, through the merits of our Saviour Jesus Christ, to die in His favor. He therefore does not suffer himself to be cast down with the thoughts of death, knowing that it will not attack him violently, or by surprise, or with sharp pains and feverish sensations, but will come upon him with ease and gentleness; like a lamp, the oil of which is exhausted, he will pass gently, and without any sickness, from this terrestrial and mortal, to a celestial and eternal life.
Some sensual unthinking persons affirm that a long life is no great blessing, and that the state of a man, who has passed his seventy-fifth year, cannot really be called life; but this is wrong, as I shall fully prove; and it is my sincere wish, that all men would endeavor to attain my age, that they might enjoy that period of life, which of all others is most desirable.
I will therefore give an account of my recreations, and the relish which I find at this stage of life. There are many who can give testimony as to the happiness of my life. In the first place, they see with astonishment the good state of my health and spirits; how I mount my horse without assistance, how I not only ascend a flight of stairs, but can climb a hill with greatest ease. Then, how gay and good-humored I am; my mind ever undisturbed, in fact, joy and peace having fixed there above in my breast. Moreover, they know in what manner I spend my time, so as never to find life weary: I pass my hours in great delight and pleasure, in converse with men of good sense and intellectual culture; then, when I cannot enjoy their company, I betake myself to the reading of some good book. When I have read as much as I like, I write; endeavoring in this, as in other things to be of service to others; and these things I do with the greatest ease to myself, living in a pleasant house in the most beautiful quarter of this noble city of Padua. Besides this house, I have my gardens, supplied with pleasant streams in which I always find something to do which amuses me. Nor are my recreations rendered less agreeable by the failing of any of my senses, for they are all, thank God, perfect, particularly my palate, which now relishes better the simple fare I have, than it formerly did the most delicate dishes, when I led an irregular life. Nor does the change of beds give me any uneasiness: I can sleep everywhere soundly and quietly, and my dreams are pleasant and delightful. It is likewise with the greatest pleasure I behold the success of an undertaking so important to this state; I mean that of draining and improving so many uncultivated pieces of ground, an undertaking begun within my memory, but which I thought I should never see completed; nevertheless I have, and was even in person assisting in the work for two months together, in those marshy places during the heat in summer, without ever finding myself worse for the fatigues or inconveniences I suffered; of so much efficacy is that orderly life, which I everywhere constantly lead. Such are some of the recreations and diversions of my old age, which is so much the more to be valued than the old age, or even the youth of other men; as, being freed by God’s grace from the perturbations of the mind and the infirmities of the body, I no longer experience any of those contrary emotions which rack such a number of young men and as many old ones, who, by reason of their careless living and intemperate habits, are destitute of health and strength, and consequently of all true enjoyment.
And if it be lawful to compare little matters to affairs of importance, I will further venture to say that such are the effects of this sober life, that, at my present age of eighty-three, I have been able to write an entertaining comedy, abounding with innocent mirth and pleasant jests.
I have yet another comfort which I will mention; that of seeing a kind of immortality in a succession of descendants; for, as often as I return home, I find before me, not one or two, but eleven grandchildren, the oldest of them eighteen, all the offspring of one father and mother, and all blessed with good health. Some of the youngest I play with; those older, I make companions of; and, as nature has bestowed good voices upon them, I amuse myself by hearing them sing, and play on different instruments. Nay, I sing myself, as I have a better voice now, clearer and louder, than at any period of my life. Such are the recreations of my old age.
Whence it appears, that the life I lead is not gloomy, but cheerful, and I would not exchange my manner of living and my gray hairs, with that of even a young man, having the best constitution, who gave way to his appetites; knowing, as I do, that such are daily subject to a thousand kinds of ailments and death. I remember my own conduct in early life, and I know how foolhardy are young men; how apt they are to presume on their strength in all their actions, and by reason of their little experience, are over-sanguine in their expectations. Hence, they often expose themselves rashly to every kind of danger, and, banishing reason, bow their necks to the yoke of concupiscence, and endeavor to gratify all their appetites, not minding, fools as they are, that they thereby hasten the approach of what they would most willingly avoid, sickness and death.
And these are two great evils to all men who live a free life; the one is troublesome and painful, the other, dreadful and insupportable, especially when they reflect on the errors to which this mortal life is subject, and on the vengeance which the justice of God is wont to take on sinners. Whereas, I, in my old age, praise to the Almighty, am exempt from these torments; from the first, because I cannot fall sick, having removed all the cause of illness by my regularity and moderation; from the other, that of death, because from so many years’ experience, I have learned to obey reason; whereas, I not only think it a great folly to fear that which cannot be avoided, but likewise firmly expect some consolation from the grace of Jesus Christ, when I arrive at that period.
But though I know I must, like others, reach that term, it is yet at so great a distance that I cannot discern it, because I know I shall not die except by mere dissolution, having already, by my regular course of life, shut up all other avenues of death, and thus prevented the humors of my body making any other way upon me, than that which I must expect from the elements employed in the composition of this mortal frame. I am not so simple as not to know that, as I was born, so I must die; but the natural death that I speak of does not overtake one, until after a long course of years; and even then, I do not expect the pain and agony which most men suffer when they die. But I, by God’s blessing, reckon that I have still a long time to live in health and spirits, and enjoy this beautiful world, which is, indeed, beautiful to those who know how to make it so, but its beauty can only be realized by those who, by reason of temperance and virtue, enjoy sound health of body and mind.
Now, if this sober and moderate manner of living brings so much happiness; if the blessings that attend it are so stable and permanent, then I beseech every man of sound judgment to embrace this valuable treasure, that of a long and healthful life, a treasure which exceeds all other worldly blessings, and, therefore, should be sought after; for what is wealth and abundance to a man who is possessed with a feeble and sickly body? This is that divine sobriety, agreeable to God, the friend of nature, the daughter of reason, the sister of all the virtues, the companion of temperate living, modest, courteous, content with little, regular, and perfectly mistress of all her operations. From her, as from their proper root, spring life, health, cheerfulness, industry, learning and all those actions and employments worthy of noble and generous minds. The laws of God are all in her favor. Repletion, excess, intemperance, superfluous humors, diseases, fevers, pains and the dangers of death, vanish in her presence, as mists before the sun. Her comeliness ravishes every well-disposed mind. Her influence is so sure, as to promise to all a long and agreeable life. And, lastly, she promises to be a mild and pleasant guardian of life teaching how to ward off the attacks of death. Strict sobriety, in eating and drinking, renders the senses and understanding clear, the memory tenacious, the body lively and strong, the movements regular and easy; and the soul, feeling so little of her earthly burden, experiences much of her natural liberty. The man thus enjoys a pleasing and agreeable harmony, there being nothing in his system to disturb; for his blood is pure, and runs freely through his veins, and the heat of his body is mild and temperate.
The Second Discourse: Showing the Surest Method of Correcting an Infirm Constitution
My treatise on a sober life has begun to answer my desire, in being of service to many persons born of a weak constitution, or who, by reason of free living, have become infirm, who, when they commit the least excess, find themselves greatly indisposed. I should also be glad to be of service to those, who, born with a good constitution, yet, by reason of a disorderly life, find themselves at the age of fifty or sixty attacked with various pains and diseases, such as gout, sciatica, liver and stomach complaints, to which they would not be subject, were they to live a strictly temperate life, and by so doing would moreover greatly increase the term of their existence, and live with much greater comfort; they would find themselves less irritable, and less disposed to be upset by inconvenience and annoyance. I was myself of a most irritable disposition, insomuch that at times there was no living with me. Now, for a very long time it has been otherwise, and I can see that a person swayed by his passions is little or no better than a madman at such times.
The man, also, who is of a bad constitution, may, by dint of reason, and a regular and sober life, live to a great age and in good health, as I have done, who had naturally one of the worst, so that it appeared impossible I should live above forty years, whereas, I now find myself sound and hearty at the age of eighty-six; forty-six years beyond the time I had expected; and during this long respite all my senses have continued perfect; and even my teeth, my voice, my memory, and my heart. But what is still more, my brain is clearer now than it ever was. Nor do any of my powers abate as I advance in life; and this because, as I grow older, I lessen the quantity of my solid food. This retrenchment is necessary, since it is impossible for man to live forever; and, as he draws near his end, he is brought so low as to be able to take but little nourishment, and at such times, the yolk of an egg, and a few spoonfuls of milk with bread, is quite sufficient during the twenty-four hours; a greater quantity would most likely cause pain, and shorten life. In my own case, I expect to die without any pain or sickness, and this is a blessing of great importance; yet may be expected by those who shall lead a sober life, whether they be rich or poor. And, since a long and healthy life ought to be greatly coveted by every man, then I conclude that all men are in duty bound to exert themselves to that effect; nevertheless such a blessing cannot be obtained without strict temperance and sobriety. But some allege that many, without leading such a life, have lived to a hundred, and that in good health, though they ate a great deal, and used indiscriminately every kind of viands and wine, and therefore they flatter themselves that they shall be equally fortunate. But in this they are guilty of two mistakes: the first is, that it is not one in fifty thousand that ever attains that happiness; the other mistake is, that such, in the end, most certainly contract some illness, which carries them off: nor can they be sure of ending their days otherwise; so that the safest way to attain a long and healthful life, is to embrace sobriety, and to diet oneself strictly as to quantity. And this is no very difficult affair. History informs us of many who lived in the greatest temperance; and this present age furnishes us with many such, reckoning myself one of the number: we are all human beings, endowed with reason, and consequently we ought to be master of all our actions.
This sobriety is reduced to two things, quality and quantity. The first consists in avoiding food or drinks, which are found to disagree with the stomach. The second, to avoid taking more than the stomach can easily digest; and every man at the age of forty ought to be a perfect judge in these matters; and whoever observes these two rules, may be said to live a regular and sober life. And the virtue and efficacy of this life is such, that the humors in a man’s blood become harmonious and perfect, and are no longer liable to be disturbed or corrupted by any disorders, such as suffering from excessive heat or cold, too much fatigue, or want of rest, and the like. A man who lives as I have described, may pass through all these changes without harm. Wherefore, since the humors of persons who observe these two rules relative to eating and drinking, cannot possibly be corrupted and engender acute diseases (the cause of untimely death), every man is bound to comply with them, for whoever acts otherwise, living a disorderly life, instead of a regular one, is constantly exposed to disease and death.
It is, indeed, true that even those who observe these two rules, relating to diet, the observance of which constitutes a regular life, may, by committing any one of the other irregularities, such as excessive heat, cold, fatigue, etc., find himself slightly indisposed for a day or two, but he need fear nothing worse.
But as there are some persons who, though well stricken in years, are, nevertheless, very free in their living, and allege that neither the quantity nor the quality of their diet makes any impression upon them, and therefore eat a great deal of everything without distinction, and indulge themselves equally in point of drinking; such men are ignorant of the requirements of their nature, or they are gluttonous; and I do affirm, that such do not enjoy good health, but as a rule are infirm, irritable, and full of maladies. There are others, who say that it is necessary that they should eat and drink freely to keep up their natural heat, which is constantly diminishing, as they advance in years; and that it is therefore their duty to eat heartily of such things as please their palate, and that strict moderation, in their case, would tend to shorten life. Now, this is the reason, or excuse, of thousands. But to all this, I answer, that all such are deceiving themselves, and I speak from experience, as well as observation. The fact is, large quantities of food cannot be digested by old stomachs; as man gets weaker as he grows older, and the waste in his system is slower, the natural heat certainly is less. Nor will all the food in the world increase it, except to bring on fever and distressing disorders; therefore, let none be afraid of shortening their days by eating too little. I am strong and hearty, and full of good spirits, neither have I ache or pain, and yet I am very old, and subsist upon very little; and, in this respect, that which would suit one man, is good for another. When men are taken ill they discontinue, or nearly so, their food. Now, if by reducing themselves to a small quantity, they recover from the jaws of death, how can they doubt, but that, with a slight increase of diet consistent with reason, they will be able to support nature, when in health. Let a fair, honest trial of some few weeks be given, and the result would, in all cases, be most pleasing.
Others say, that it is better for a man to suffer three or four times every year, from gout, sciatica, or whatever disorder to which he may be subject, than be tormented the whole year by not indulging his appetite, and eating and drinking just as he pleases, since he can always by a few days of self-denial recover from all such attacks. To this I answer, that, our natural heat growing less and less as we advance in years, no abstinence for a short time can have virtue sufficient to conquer the malady to which the man is subject, and which is generally brought on by repletion, so that he must die at last of one of these periodical disorders; for they abridge life in the same proportion as temperance and health prolong it.
Others pretend that it is better to live a short and self-indulgent life, than a long and self-denying one; but surely, longevity ought to be valued, and is, by men of good understanding; and those who do not truly prize this great gift of God, are surely a disgrace to mankind, and their death is a service to the public rather than not. And again, there are some, who, though they are conscious that they become weaker as they advance in years, yet cannot be brought to retrench the quantity of their food, but rather increase it, and, because they find themselves unable to digest the great quantity of food, with which they load their stomachs twice or thrice a day, they resolve to eat but once, heartily, in the twenty-four hours. But this course is useless; for the stomach is still overburdened, and the food is not digested, but turns into bad humors, by which the blood becomes poisoned, and thus a man kills himself long before his time. I never met with an aged person who enjoyed health, and lived that manner of life. Now, all these men whose manner of life I have named, would live long and happily, if, as they advanced in years, they lessened the quantity of their food, and ate oftener, and but little at a time, for old stomachs cannot digest large quantities; men at this age becoming children again, who eat little and often during the twenty-four hours.
O thrice holy sobriety, so useful to man, by reason of the service thou dost render him! Thou prolongest his days, by which means he greatly improves his understanding and, by such knowledge, he can avoid the bitter fruits of sensuality, which is an enemy to man’s reason. Thou, moreover, freest him from the dreadful thoughts of death. How greatly ought we to be indebted to thee, since by thee we enjoy this beautiful world, which is really beautiful to all whose sensibilities have not been deadened by repletion, and whose minds have not been blighted by sensuality! I really never knew till I grew old, that the world was so beautiful; for, in my younger years I was debauched by irregularities, and therefore could not perceive and enjoy, as I do now, its beauties. O truly happy life, which, over and above all these favors conferred on me, hast so improved and perfected my body, that now I have a better relish for plain bread, than formerly I had for the most exquisite dainties! In fact I find such sweetness in it, because of the good appetite I always have, that I should be afraid of sinning against temperance, were I not convinced of the absolute necessity for it, and knowing that pure bread is, above all things, man’s best food, and while he leads a sober life, he may be sure of never wanting that natural sauce, —a good appetite—and moreover, I find that, whereas I used to eat twice a day, now that I am much older, it is better for me to eat four times, and still to lessen the quantity as the years increase. And this is what I do, guided by my experience; therefore, my spirits being never oppressed by too much food, are always brisk; especially after eating, so that I enjoy much the singing of a song, before I sit down to my writing.
Nor do I ever find myself the worse for writing directly after meals; my understanding is never clearer; and I am never drowsy; the food I take being too small a quantity to send up any fumes to the brain. O, how advantageous it is to an old man to eat but little; therefore I take but just enough to keep body and soul together, and the things I eat are as follows: bread, panado, eggs (the yolk), and soups. Of flesh meat, I eat kid and mutton. I eat poultry of every kind; also of sea and river fish. Some men are too poor to allow themselves food of this kind, but they may do well on bread (made from wheat meal, which contains far more nutriment than bread made from fine flour), panado, eggs, milk, and vegetables. But though a man should eat nothing but these, he may not eat more than his stomach can with ease digest, never forgetting that it is the over-quantity which injures, even more than the eating of unsuitable food. And again I say, that whoever does not transgress, in point of either quantity or quality, cannot die, but by mere dissolution, except in cases where there is some inherited disease to combat; but such cases are comparatively rare, and even here a strict and sober diet will be of the greatest service.
O, what a difference between a regular and temperate life, and an irregular and intemperate life! One gives health and longevity, the other produces disease and untimely death. How many of my dearest relations and friends have I lost by their free living, whereas, had they listened to me, they might have been full of life and health. I am thus more than ever determined to use my utmost endeavors to make known the benefit of my kind of life. Here I am, an old man, yet full of life and joy, happier than at any previous period of my life, surrounded by many comforts; not the least to mention are my eleven grandchildren, all of fine understanding and amiable disposition, beautiful in their persons, and well disposed to learning; and these, I hope so to teach, that they shall take pattern after me, and follow my kind of life.
Now, I am often at a loss to understand why men of fine parts and understanding, who have attained middle age, do not, when they find themselves attacked by disorders and sickness, betake themselves to a regular life, and that constantly. Is it because they are in ignorance as to the importance of this subject? Surely, it cannot be that they are enslaved by their appetites to such an extent that they find themselves unable to adopt a strict and regular diet? As to young men, I am in no way surprised at their refusal to live such a life, for their passions are strong and usually their guide. Neither have they much experience; but, when a man has arrived at the age of forty of fifty, surely he should in all things be governed by reason. And this would teach men that gratifying the appetite and palate, is not, as many affirm, natural and right, but is the cause of disease and premature death. Were this pleasure of the palate lasting, it would be some excuse; but it is momentary, compared with the duration of the disease which its excess engenders. But it is a great comfort to a man of sober life to reflect, that what he eats will keep him in good health, and be productive of no disease or infirmity.
The Third Discourse: The Method of Enjoying Complete Happiness in Old Age
My Lord,
In writing to your Lordship, it is true I shall speak of few things, but such as I have already mentioned in my essays, but I am sure your Lordship will not tire of the repetition.
My Lord, to begin, I must tell you, that being now at the age of ninety-one, I am more sound and hearty than ever, much to the amazement of those who know me. I, who can account for it, am bound to show that a man can enjoy a terrestrial paradise after eighty; but it is not to be obtained, except by strict temperance in food and drink, virtues acceptable to God and friends to reason. I must, however, go on to tell you, that, during the past few days I have been visited by many of the learned doctors of this university, as well as physicians and philosophers who were well acquainted with my age, life, and manners, also, that I was stout, hearty, and lively, my senses perfect, also my voice and teeth, likewise my memory and judgment. They knew, besides, that I constantly employed eight hours every day in writing treatises, with my own hand, on subjects useful to mankind, and spent many more in walking and singing. O, my Lord, how melodious my voice is grown! Were you to hear me chant my prayers, and that to my lyre, after the example of David, I am certain it would give you great pleasure, my voice is so musical.
Now, these doctors and philosophers told me that it was next to a miracle, that at my age, I should be able to write upon subjects which required both judgment and spirit, and added that I ought not to be looked upon as a person advanced in years, since all my occupations were those of a young man, and that I was altogether unlike aged people of seventy and eighty, who are subject to various ailments and diseases, which render life a weariness; or, if even any by chance escape these things, yet their senses are impaired, sight, or hearing, or memory is defective, and all their faculties much decayed; they are not strong, nor cheerful, as I am. And they moreover said, that they looked upon me as having special grace conferred upon me, and said a great many eloquent and fine things, in endeavoring to prove this, which, however, they could not do; for their arguments were not grounded on good and sufficient reasons, but merely on their opinions. I therefore endeavored to undeceive and set them right, and convince them that the happiness I enjoyed was not confined to me, but might be common to all mankind, since I was but a mere mortal, and different in no respect from other men, save in this, that I was born more weakly than some, and had not what is called a strong constitution. Man, however, in his youthful days, is more prone to be led by sensuality than reason; yet, when he arrives at the age of forty, or earlier, he should remember that he has about reached the summit of the hill, and must now think of going down, carrying the weight of years with him; and that old age is the reverse of youth, as much as order is the reverse of disorder; hence, it is requisite that he should alter his mode of life in regard to the quality and quantity of his food and drink. For it is impossible in the nature of things, that the man who is bent on indulging his appetite, should be healthy and free from ailments. Hence it was to avoid this vice and its evil effects, I embraced a regular and sober life. It is no doubt true, that I at first found some difficulty in accomplishing this, but in order to conquer the difficulty I besought the Almighty to grant the virtue of sobriety in all things, well knowing that He would graciously hear my prayer. Then, considering that when a man is about to undertake a thing of importance, which he knows he can compass, though not without difficulty, he may make it much easier to himself by being steady in his purpose, I pursued this course: I endeavored gradually to relinquish a disorderly life, and to suit myself to strict temperate rules; and this it came to pass, that a sober and moderate life no longer became disagreeable, though, on account of the weakness of my constitution, I tied myself down to very strict rules in regard to the quantity and quality of what I ate and drank.
Others, who happen to be blessed with a strong constitution, may eat a greater variety of food, and in somewhat larger quantity, each man being a guide to himself, consulting always his judgment and reason, rather than his fancy or appetite, and further let him always strictly abide by his rules, for he will receive little benefit if he occasionally indulges in excess.
Now, on hearing these arguments, and examining the reasons on which they were founded, the doctors and philosophers agreed that I had advanced nothing but what was true. One of the younger of them said that I appeared to enjoy the special grace of being able to relinquish, with ease, one kind of life, and embrace another, a thing which he knew from theory to be feasible, but in practice to be difficult, for it had proved as hard to him, as easy to me.
To this I replied, that, being human like himself, I likewise had found it no easy task, but it did not become a man to shrink from a glorious and practical task, on account of its difficulties; the greater the obstacles to overcome, the greater the honor and benefit. Our beneficent Creator is desirous, that, as He originally favored human nature with longevity, we should all enjoy the full advantage of His intentions, knowing that when a man has passed seventy, he may be exempt from the sensual strivings, and govern himself entirely by the dictates of reason. Vice and immorality then leave him, and God is willing that he should live to the full maturity of his years, and has ordained that all who reach their natural term should end their days without sickness, but by mere dissolution, the natural way; the wheels of life quietly stopping, and man peacefully leaving this world, to enter upon immortality, as will be my case; for I am sure to die thus, perhaps while chanting my prayers. Nor do the thoughts of death give me the least concern; nor does any other thought connected with death, namely, the fear of the punishment to which wicked men are liable, because I am bound to believe, that being a Christian, I shall be saved by the virtue of the most sacred blood of Jesus Christ, which He freely shed in order to save those who trust in Him. Thus, how beautiful my life! How happy my end! To this, the young doctor had nothing to reply, but that he would follow my example.
The great desire I had, my Lord, to converse with you at this distance, has forced me to be prolix, and still obliges me to proceed, though not much farther. There are some sensualists, my Lord, who say that I have thrown away my time and trouble, in writing a treatise upon temperance, and other discourses on the same subject; alleging, that it is impossible to conform to it, so that my treatise must answer as little purpose as that of Plato on Government, who took a great deal of pains to recommend a thing impracticable. Now, this much surprises me, as they may see that I lived a sober life many years before I wrote my treatise, and I should never have composed it, had I not been convinced, that it was such a life as any man might lead; and being a virtuous life, would be of great service to him; so that I felt myself under an obligation to present it in its true light. Again, I have the satisfaction to hear that numbers, on reading my treatise, have embraced such a life. So that the objection concerning Plato on Government is of no force against my case. But a sensualist is an enemy to reason, and a slave to his passions.
The Fourth Discourse: An Exhortation to a Sober and Regular Life in Order to Attain Old Age
Not to be wanting in my duty, and not to lose at the same time the satisfaction I feel in being useful to others, I again take up my pen to inform those, who, for want of conversing with me, are strangers to what those with whom I am acquainted, know and see. But as some things may appear to certain persons scarcely credible, though actually true, I shall not fail to relate for the benefit of the public. Wherefore, I say, being arrived at my ninety-fifth year, God be praised, and still finding myself sound and hearty, content and cheerful, I never cease to thank the Divine Majesty for so great a blessing, considering the usual condition of old men. These scarcely ever attain the age of seventy, without losing health and spirits, and growing melancholy and peevish. Moreover, when I remember how weak and sickly I was between the ages of thirty and forty, and how from the first, I never had what is called a strong constitution; I say, when I remember these things, I have surely abundant cause for gratitude, and though I know I cannot live many years longer, the thought of death gives me no uneasiness; I, moreover, firmly believe that I shall attain to the age of one hundred years. But, to render this dissertation more methodical, I shall begin by considering man at his birth; and from thence accompany him through every stage of life, to his grave.
I therefore say, that some come into the world with the stamina of life so weak, that they live but a few days, or months, or years, and it is not always easy to show, to what the shortness of life is owing. Others are born sound and lively, but still, with a poor, weakly constitution; and of these, some live to the age of ten, twenty, others to thirty or forty, but seldom live to be old men. Others, again, bring into the world a perfect constitution, and live to an old age; but it is generally, as I have said, an old age of sickness and sorrow, for which usually they have to thank themselves, because they unreasonably presumed on the goodness of their constitution; and cannot by any means be brought to alter when grown old, from the mode of life they pursued in their younger days, but live as irregularly when past the meridian of life, as they did in the time of their youth. They do not consider that the stomach has lost much of its natural heat and vigor, and that, therefore, they should pay great attention to the quality and quantity of what they eat and drink; but, rather than decrease, many of them are for increasing the quantity, saying, that, as health and vigor grow less, they should endeavor to repair the loss by a great abundance of food, since it is by sustenance we are to preserve ourselves.
But it is here that the great mistake is made; since, as the natural force and heat lessen as a man grows in years, he should diminish the quantity of his food and drink, as nature at that period is content with little; and moreover, if increasing the amount of nourishment was the proper thing, then, surely the majority of men would live to a great age in the best of health. But do we see it so? On the contrary, such a case is a rare exception; whilst my course of life is proved to be right, by reason of its results. But, though some have every reason to believe this to be the case, they nevertheless, because of their lack of strength of character, and their love of repletion, still continue their usual manner of living. But were they, in due time, to form strict temperate habits, they would not grow infirm in their old age, but would continue as I am, strong and hearty, and might live to the age of one hundred, or one hundred and twenty. This has been the case with others of whom we read, men who were born with a good constitution, and lived sober and abstemious lives; and had it been my lot to have enjoyed a strong constitution, I should make no doubt of attaining to that age. But as I was born feeble, and with an infirm constitution, I am afraid I shall not outlive an hundred years; and were others, born weakly as myself, to betake them to a life like mine, they would, like me, live to the age of a hundred, as shall be my case.
And this certainty of being able to live to a great age is, in my opinion, a great advantage (of course I do not include accidents, to which all are liable, and which must specially be left to our Maker), and highly to be valued; none being sure of this blessing, except such as adhere to the rules of temperance. This security of life is built on good and truly natural reasons, which can never fail; it being impossible that he who leads a perfectly sober and temperate life, should breed any sickness, or die before his time. Sooner, he cannot through ill-health die, as his sober life has the virtue to remove the cause of sickness, and sickness cannot happen without a cause; which cause being removed, sickness is also removed, and untimely and painful death prevented.
And there is no doubt, that temperance in food and drink, taking only as much as nature really requires, and thus being guided by reason, instead of appetite, has efficacy to remove all cause of disease; for since health and sickness, life and death, depend on the good or bad condition of a man’s blood, and the quality of his humors, such a life as I speak of purifies the blood, and corrects all vicious humors, rendering all perfect and harmonious. It is true, and cannot be denied, that man must at last die, however careful with himself he may have been; but yet, I maintain, without sickness and great pain; for in my case I expect to pass away quietly and peacefully, and my present condition insures this to me, for, though at this great age, I am hearty and content, eating with a good appetite, and sleeping soundly. Moreover, all my senses are as good as ever, and in the highest perfection; my understanding clear and bright, my judgment sound, my memory tenacious, my spirits good, and my voice (one of the first things which is apt to fail us) has grown so strong and sonorous, that I cannot help chanting aloud my prayers, morning and night, instead of whispering and muttering them to myself as was formerly my custom.
O, how glorious is this life of mine, replete with all the felicities which man can enjoy on this side of the grave! It is entirely exempt from that sensual brutality, which age has enabled my reason to banish; thus I am not troubled with passions, and my mind is calm, and free from all perturbations, and doubtful apprehensions. Nor can the thought of death find room in my mind, at least, not in any way to disturb me. And all this has been brought about, by God’s mercy, through my careful habit of living. How different from the life of most old men, full of aches and pains, and forebodings, whilst mine is a life of real pleasure, and I seem to spend my days in a perpetual round of amusements, as I shall presently show.
And first, I am of service to my country, and what a joy is this. I find infinite delight in being engaged in various improvements, in connection with the important estuary or harbor of this city, and fortifications; and although this Venice, this Queen of the Sea, is very beautiful, yet I have devised means by which it may be made still more beautiful, and more wealthy, for I have shown in what way she may abound with provisions, by improving large tracts of land, and bringing marshes and barren sand under cultivation. Then again, I have another great joy always present before me. Some time since, I lost a great part of my income, by which my grandchildren would be great losers. But I, by mere force of thought, have found a true and infallible method of repairing such loss more than double, by a judicious use of that most commendable of arts, agriculture. Another great comfort to me is to think that my treatise on temperance is really useful, as many assure me by word of mouth, and others by letter, where they say, that, under God they are indebted to me for their life. I have also much joy in being able to write, and am thus of service to myself and others; and the satisfaction I have in conversing with men of ability and superior understanding is very great, from whom I learn something fresh. Now, what a comfort is this, that old as I am, I am able, without fatigue of mind or body thus to be fully engaged, and to study the most important, difficult, and sublime subjects.
I must further add, that at this age, I appear to enjoy two lives: one terrestrial, which in fact I possess, the other celestial, which I possess in thought; and this thought is actual enjoyment, when founded upon things we are sure to attain, and I, through the infinite mercy and goodness of God, am sure of eternal life. Thus, I enjoy the terrestrial life in consequence of my sobriety and temperance, virtues so agreeable to the Deity, and I enjoy, by the grace of God, the celestial, which He makes me anticipate in thought; a thought so lively, as to fix me entirely on this subject, the fruition of which I hold to be of the utmost certainty. And I further maintain, that, dying in the manner I expect, is not really death, but a passage of the soul from this earthly life to a celestial, immortal, and infinitely perfect existence. Neither can it be otherwise; and this thought is so pleasing, so superlatively sublime, that it can no longer stoop to low and worldly objects, such as the death of this body, being entirely taken up with the happiness of living a celestial and divine life. Whence it is, that I enjoy two lives; and the thought of terminating this earthly life gives me no concern, for I know that I have a glorious and immortal life before me.
Now, is it possible, that any one should grow tired of so great a comfort and blessing as this which I enjoy, and which the majority of persons might attain, by leading the life I have led, an example which every one has it in his power to follow? For I am no saint, but a mere man, a servant of God, to whom so regular a life is extremely agreeable.
Now, there are men who embrace a spiritual and contemplative life, and this is holy and commendable, their chief employment being to celebrate the praises of God, and to teach men how to serve Him. Now, if while these men set themselves apart for this life, they would also betake themselves to sober and temperate living, how much more agreeable would they render themselves in the sight of God and men. What a much greater honor and ornament would they be to the world. They would likewise enjoy constant health and happiness, would attain a great age, and thus become eminently wise and useful; whereas, now, they are mostly infirm, irritable, and dissatisfied, and think that their various trials and ailments are sent them by Almighty God, with a view of promoting their salvation; that they may do penance in this life for their past errors. Now, I cannot help saying, that in my opinion, they are greatly mistaken; for I cannot believe that the Deity desires that man, his favorite creature, should be infirm and melancholy, but rather, that he should enjoy good health and be happy. Man, however, brings sickness and disease upon himself, by reason, either of his ignorance or willful self-indulgence. Now, if those who profess to be our teachers in divine matters would also set the example, and thus teach men how to preserve their bodies in health, they would do much to make the road to heaven easier: men need to be taught that self-denial and strict temperance is the path to health of body and health of mind, and those who thus live see more clearly than others what their duty is toward our Saviour Jesus Christ, who came down upon earth to shed His precious blood, in order to deliver us from the tyranny of the devil, such was His immense goodness and loving kindness to man.
Now, to make an end of this discourse, I say, that since length of days abounds with so many favors and blessings, and I, not by theory, but by blessed experience can testify to it–indeed, I solemnly assure all mankind that I really enjoy a great deal more than I can mention, and that I have no other reason for writing, but that of demonstrating the great advantages, which arise from longevity, and such a life as I have lived—I desire to convince men, that they may be induced to observe these excellent rules of constant temperance in eating and drinking, and therefore, I never cease to raise my voice, crying out to you, my friends, that your lives may be even as mine.
On City Government by Bartolo da Sassoferrato
[Bartolo da Sassoferrato, “De regimine civitatis”, c. 1350]
1. The first sort of government there was in the city of Rome, after the expulsion of the kings, was "for the people," which Aristotle calls "political."
A democracy is the name of a government of those who are ruling for their own advantage, in opposition to the rich, or to any people.
2. The second kind of government in the city of Rome was by the senators, and this sort of government is good if it tends toward the common good, which Aristotle calls a government of the elders.
Oligarchy is called by Aristotle the reign of a few rich people who have no interest in the common good.
3. The third sort of government was government by one man. He is called a lord if he inclines to a good and common end, a tyrant if he is inclined to pursue bad or [merely] personal ends.
4. There are six types of government, three good, three bad.
5. The seventh kind of government now rules in the city of Rome, and is called a monstrous government.
6. It pertains to the jurist to investigate which sort of government is better.
7. The three forms of good government.
8. Monarchy, that is, the governance of one king, is the best sort of government.
9. Three things are required of any ruler, namely perfect reason, right intention, and perfect stability.
10. Not every sort of one-man rule is called the rule of a king.
11. Whether it is good to be ruled by kings.
12. What a king may demand from his subjects.
14. A consideration of what may happen when that which is being discussed tends naturally toward this.
15. A threefold division of populaces, because some cities are large, some larger still, some the largest of all.
16. A large city, in the first degree of magnitude, is better off with a government "for the people" than it is being ruled by a few people, or by only one.
17. The city of Siena was ruled by rich nobles for eighty years, and that government was expelled by the "populars" in the time of king Charles the Fourth.
18. Government "for the people" should be called a government of God rather than of men.
Charles the Fourth approved of the government "for the people."
19. [Both] magnates and the most wretched are excluded from a government "for the people."
20. A larger city, according to the scale of magnitude, is better ruled by a few good rich men, rather then by the populace, or by one person.
The city of Venice and the city of Florence are among the "larger" cities, and are ruled by a few of the wealthy.
21. A city accustomed to being ruled in a certain way should be governed in that way.
22. The largest cities or peoples are best ruled by a single king.
23. A government which results from election is more divine than one which results from succession.
24. It is dangerous to have a king of another nation.
All Christians are called brothers.
25. The Roman empire, after it was separated from the Italians, grew ever weaker.
26. Small populaces cannot be governed in themselves, unless they submit or adhere to another people.
27. A tyrant is the worst of all of the forms of government.
28. The rule of several bad men is not so evil as the rule of a single tyrant; and how this may be determined.
29. The rule of several bad men does not last long, and easily decays to the rule of a single tyrant.
Because this is the last part of the Tiber, and thus in the city of Rome, which is the head of the world, let us therefore examine some things concerning the ways of ruling a city. And this inquiry is twofold: in the first place an inquiry into ways of ruling as far as the laws are concerned, which may concern either the written or the unwritten law,[1] and this is an inquiry I will not pursue, since this is treated in various ways in various [other] places. In the second place an inquiry into ways of ruling as far as concerns the persons of the rulers, and this deserves some sort of examination. In the first place let us see in how many ways a city may be ruled. In the second place, which ways are better, which worse. In the third place let us examine some of the doubts which arise about these matters in the course of daily events.
In the first place, in how many ways a city may be ruled, three forms of good government can be garnered from our laws, and three which are contrary to them. Aristotle discusses a number of these forms quite clearly in the third book of his Politics and there he supplies his own names for those forms;[2] we will both make mention of those names and also insert names more fitting for the present time.
1. In the city of Rome, when the kings had been expelled, there were three forms of government.[3] The first by the people:[4] Aristotle called this sort of government policratia or "political," and we will call it a government "for the people," when the government is a good one, [that is] when the rulers chiefly consider the common good of all according to [each person's] state.
But if this multitude looks to its own good, and to oppose the rich, or any gens, this is a bad government and Aristotle describes it with the Greek word democratia: we call it a perverse populace. We have these two forms of government [in the laws][5], where, when honors and rewards are divided [in society] according to the appropriate degrees, we call it a good or worthy government; when these are divided unequally, such that some are burdened, others treated lightly, it is called a bad government, through which the republic is destroyed.
2. The second form of government in the city of Rome was by the senators, and thus by a few wealthy men who were good and prudent.[6] And if these few incline to the common good their lordship [principatus] is good and is called by Aristotle a government of the elders; the more common name is the one I used earlier, namely a lordship or government of the good. And if these few men do not incline to the common good, but are merely a few rich and powerful men oppressing others, eager for their own gain, then the government is a bad one, and is called by Aristotle oligarchy, which is the same as a lordship of the rich or a government of the bad: a name which is fairly common.[7]
3. The third form of government is that of one person,[8] and this according to Aristotle is called kingship. If this person is a universal lord, we call this form of government an empire [imperium]; if the rulership is particular, it is sometimes called kingship, sometimes a duchy, mark or county.[9] A duchy is what we commonly call the rule of a natural lord, if this lord works for a good and common purpose. If he works for a bad end, and for his own advantage, according to Aristotle he is called a tyrant, and is so called by the laws and customs.[10]
4. We have therefore six forms of government, three good, three bad, each one called by its own name; in truth, every bad kingship can be called in common parlance a tyranny, namely the tyranny of the people, the tyranny of certain people, and the tyranny of one person.
5. There is a seventh form of government, the worst, which now exists in the city of Rome; where there are many tyrants in different areas, so strong that none can overcome the others. There is also a common government over the whole city, so weak that it can do nothing against any of those tyrants, nor against any of their adherents except insofar as they are willing to suffer it. This sort of government Aristotle does not treat, and rightly so, for it is a monstrous thing. What is one to think, seeing a single body with a weak head, and many other heads stronger than that one, contesting among themselves? Certainly this thing would be a monster. Therefore it is called a monstrous government. It comes about through divine permission, to show how far is fallen every glory of the world. The city of Rome, the head of customs, the head of polities, has fallen into such monstrosity in its government that it can truly be said that it is no government at all, and has not even the form of a government.[11]
6. In the second place we must see which is a better form of government. This inquiry is a necessary one for jurists, since universal lords, when they consider the reformation of a city, either consult jurists or entrust the case to them; or, when the jurists are in session, an argument concerning city government may be brought before them. Therefore an inquiry as to which is the better form of government is necessary, a subject treated by Aristotle in the third book of the
7. Politics; but Aegidius Romanus, of the order of St. Augustine, who was a great philosopher and a master in theology, treats this more clearly in the book he wrote on the government of princes. I will therefore use his opinions and his arguments, in his own words, but I will not use the words of Aristotle, for they are unknown to the jurists to whom I address myself; but I will use his arguments and test them according to the laws, and afterwards I will relate my own opinion of the matter.
So: this Aegidius says that there are three good forms of government, as was mentioned above. The first is a form for ruling [by] the multitude, or "for the people," and it is good if it tends toward this end. The second form of government is better, namely the rule of a few.
8. The third form of government is best, namely monarchy, or the government of one king; this fact, namely that the rule of one person is the best lordship, he demonstrates by four reasons,[13] from which he concludes these two things, the first being: the peace and union of the citizens should be the final intention of the ruler.[14] But this peace and unity can be better brought about and observed if it is overseen by one, than if it is overseen by several: therefore it is better to be ruled by one person. This is proved in this way: in a government of several people there can be no peace except insofar as these several are of one will, which is clear since if they disagree, their action is impeded by their competition.[15] But the government of several is good as regards its unity; therefore the good government of this unity is much better when it is brought about through one person. Secondly this is proved in this way, since through this the city and republic is made stronger, which is proved thusly: the more strength is united, the stronger it is in comparison to its being dispersed among many.[16] If therefore the whole strength of the city were gathered into one person it would be more effective, and will better be able to be governed by that prince, on account of his greater strength.[17] In the third place an art or artifice is better insofar as it imitates nature;[18] but the whole city is a single person and a single artificial and imagined man.[19] But in a natural man we see one head and many members; therefore if a city is ruled thus it is ruled better, because it imitates nature more closely. On this see [X.1.31.14] and this is determined in Gratian [ii, c. 7, q. 1.41], where bees, and many other creatures lacking reason, set up a king for themselves. In the fourth place Aegidius says that this is established through experience, since he says he sees that provinces which are not governed by one king are in poverty, and do not enjoy peace, but rather are beset by strife and wars. Those which are under a king do not know wars, rejoice in peace, flourish in abundance.[20] From these things Aegidius concludes that the government of the people or multitude, which tends to a single end, is good, but that the government of a few is better, since it has a measure of unity. Monarchy though, of the rule of single king, is best, because a perfect unity is found therein.[21]
But against the aforementioned arguments the same Aegidius proposes other arguments, which he draws from the sayings of Aristotle, and attempts to respond to them.[22]
9. I will pass on these arguments, testing them by the laws. I will preface my examination of these arguments with the statement that three things are required in anyone who rules well. The first is a perfect discerning reason, so that he may know how to separate the just from the unjust, the licit from the illicit.[23] Second, he must have right intention. Third, he must have a perfect stability. These things are proven by the definition of justice, since it is said that justice is a constant and perpetual will which renders to each one his due.[24] From these three things there are three arguments against the aforementioned arguments. The first is this: the more people there are, the more things they see, and in them there is a more perceptive and discerning reason than in one person:[25] therefore, in this respect, it is better to be ruled by many. The second is this: the ruler has right intention when he looks more to the public good than to his own.[26] But if the multitude is in command, assuming that they look to their own good, they nonetheless withdraw from the common good no further, in so doing, than if one person were ruling and were acting for his personal good: therefore it is better to be ruled by many.[27] Thirdly, the ruler must have a perfect stability so that he may on no account be corrupted: because, as the law says, the will must be constant, and perpetual. But the multitude is born and is corrupted with more difficulty than is a single person.[28] Therefore it is better to be ruled by many people.[29]
Responding to these arguments he says that a single king or prince should have with him many counselors and powerful men, and therefore he will see things as if he were many, nor will he easily be able to be corrupted, unless his entire council is corrupted.
10. But if this king were to follow his own head he would not be a king, but a tyrant. It would not be good for such a person to rule, so says Aegidius.[30] I do not put forward these arguments to be understood simply, and for that reason, speaking in the manner of jurists on behalf of the aforementioned arguments I say at the beginning that not every government of that one person is the government of a king. For sometimes there is one who rules, and that one is only a judge, such as the praesides provinciarum and the proconsuls.[31] There are also podestà and civic rectors.[32] It falls to these people to judge according to the law, and they hold a regal position, namely that which pertains to ministers, but regalian powers do not pertain to them, but rather to the cities which they rule, or to some other superior, or to the fisc.[33] through judges like these God ruled the Jewish people for a long time,[34] as we can see throughout the Jewish book. Whenever one person rules a city or a province, and makes laws as he wishes, all things pertain to him, and this is called the rule of a king.[35]
11. But let us see what is the rightness [ius] of this kingship, so that we may thus see whether it is good to be ruled by kings. Of this the Lord says, through the prophet Samuel, I Kings 8:[36] "This shall be the law of the king who will rule over you: he shall take your sons and appoint them to his chariots, and to be his horsemen and to run before his chariots, and he shall appoint for himself tribunes and centurions and tillers of his fields. He will take your daughters to be perfumers and cooks and bakers, and he shall take your finest fields and vineyards and olive-groves and give them to his servants. He will take the tenth of your crops and vines, to give to his eunuchs and his servants. He will take the best of your servants and maids and your asses and the best of your youth and put them to work for him. He shall take the tenth of your flocks and you shall be servants to him" etc.
Here are the words of God, according to which it seems worst of all to be ruled by kings, because they bring so much ill upon their subjects and (what is worse) reduces them to slavery, which is like death.[37]
But these words are explained by the holy doctors in the following way, namely that all of these things should not be understood to be permitted to the king, but only those things which are set out above, since the king does these things when he begins to become a tyrant, which happens easily.[38] And because this was going to happen to them, therefore Samuel made the following prediction, "This shall be the law of the king who will rule over you," as if to say: let this not be permitted to every king, but rather to the one who is going to rule over you, since he will usurp this right for himself. It was displeasing to God that a king should have been made at all, as the chapter [of Scripture] says. That this is true appears in what one reads in Deuteronomy 17 [16-20], where it is taught what a good and right king ought to do.
And the Lord said these things concerning the future king: "When he has been established he shall not multiply horses for himself, nor shall he lead his people into Egypt to swell the ranks of his horsemen, since the Lord has said to you that you shall not return that way again, he shall not have many wives to beguile his soul, nor great masses of gold and silver. After he sits upon his throne he shall copy out for himself the Deuteronomy of this law in a book, taking his example from the priests of the Levite tribe, and he shall keep it with him and read from it all the days of his life, that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, to keep His words and ceremonies which are laid down in the laws, that his heart not be lifted up in pride against his brothers, that he turn aside neither to the right nor to the left. And he shall rule for a long time, as will his son, in Israel." These are the words of God which we should examine somehow. For he says "when he has been established." From this it is conceded that one must be made king by another, rather than assuming the kingship on one's own authority: in this case one would not be a king, but a tyrant, as we have said above. Then he says "he shall not multiply horses for himself:" "to multiply" is to have more than is sufficient for one's needs. "Nor shall he lead his people into Egypt" etc.: these words can be taken literally as they stand, namely that the king of the Jews ought never to go forth to occupy the land of Egypt. They can also be understood allegorically, as though He were saying: let the king not lead his people into slavery, which slavery is represented by Egypt, where that people was being held in captivity. With these words, therefore, He prohibits burdening the people with personal burdens, which are a sort of slavery. "He shall not have many wives:" above he forbade empty glory, here he forbids luxury to the king. for luxury separates the king's soul from true judgement, not only toward men, but toward God, as befell in the case of Solomon, who became an idolator as is read in 3 Kings 11.[39] "Nor great masses of gold and silver:" here He prohibits avarice. Inasmuch as through excessive ceremony a great deal of money is expended, and through this the people are burdened, so also through avarice a great deal is extorted from the people. After He has above prohibited certain things from being done, he then orders that certain things be done: "he shall write out for himself the Deuteronomy" of this law, this is interpreted by Isidore as a second law, and it is the image [figura] of the evangelic law.[40] The king must therefore be faithful and catholic.[41] "Taking his example from the priests of the Levite tribe:" in those priests holy mother Church is figured, from which every king must take the exemplar of the Christian law. "Nor let his heart be lifted up in pride:" here He goes back in order to prohibit something again, namely that pride of the heart which is the root of all evils. "Against his brothers:" it is plain, therefore, that those who are subjects are not the king's slaves, but his brothers, and thus what the preceding authority said concerned not the true king, but the tyrant. "That he turn aside neither to the right nor to the left," it is as if He said: let his judgement be right, neither out of love nor out of hatred, as if He had said: let him be just. The good king must therefore be faithful, Christian, just, neither overweening nor one who burdens his people, no lover of luxury, neither greedy nor proud.
The king must also do other things which are laid down by Gratian.[42]
12. But the things put forward there are adapted to the foregoing statements: although it is there established what the king should do and how he should be in himself, it is not there established what he may exact from his subjects. This is my answer: he may exact expenses which are appropriate for the royal majesty. But we have this written expressly [in the feudal laws], where it is said that all tributes, public rents [vectigalia] and public taxes [census], which are named there explicitly, pertain to the king; and that it also pertains to the king to impose taxes [collectas] out of necessity, as is written there, and it is also shown by the law of the Digests that kings have every power.[43]
13. Having seen what the rights of a king are, let us return to the question whether it is useful for a city or a people to be ruled by a king; insofar as that king is a good one according to the above conditions, the best rule is the rule of a king, for the reasons discussed above. And this is how I understand the opinion of Aristotle and of Aegidius.
14. If we then consider the things which may come about, since a king sometimes turns into a tyrant, either he or his descendants, then I say we must consider what can happen when the situation being examined has a natural and likely tendency toward this end.[44]
15. Having said this I will make a three-fold division of cities or of populaces; for one may have a large city or a people [gens], in the first degree of magnitude, a city or people which is larger and hence in the second degree of magnitude, or a city or people of the largest sort, and hence in the third degree of magnitude.
16. If we talk about a large city or populace, in the first degree, then I will say that it not suitable to that populace to be ruled by a king. This is shown in the first place by a text, because, when the city of Rome was in the first degree of magnitude it expelled the kings, who had fallen into tyranny.[45] And it is also proved by reason, since it is in the nature of kings to be magnificent in making great expenditures:[46] but the royal revenues of a populace large only in the first degree are not going to be enough for royal expenses, and so the king will have to extort them from his subjects, and thus he will become a tyrant. The situation of such a king tends very likely toward tyranny, and hence this is not a good form of government, if you consider how the situation is likely to turn out. This is the reason, because it displeases God when a people seeks a king, as in I Kings.[47] Nor is it useful to such a populace to be ruled by a few people, as, for example, by the city's rich men. For if it happens that in these cities the rich are few in number, one of two things will happen: the populace may well be offended by the rule of these few now matter how well the populace is ruled, as occurred in the city of Siena. There was for about eighty years a certain group of rich men who governed the city wisely and well, but nevertheless, since the multitude of the populace was angry with them, they had to hold on by armed force. This group was thrown out upon the arrival of Charles IV, most illustrious emperor of the Romans, who was ruling at that time. The deed of this prince shows that this sort of government is not good in cities of this type.
Another inappropriate thing can follow from this, because those few people, as it naturally happens, could be divided among themselves, from which fact rumors, plots, fires and civil wars run round the cities, as we often see in the city of Pisa. It is therefore fitting for that populace which is in the first degree of magnitude to be ruled by the multitude, which is called a government "for the people."[48] That this is a good form of government is clear, because in that time the city of Rome grew greatly.[49] It also is clear from the aforementioned authority of the book of Kings: it seems more a government of God rather than of men.
17. And we have seen this in the city of Perugia, which in this way is ruled in peace and grows in unity and flourishes, and those who rule the city according to their offices are on guard against no one, but they themselves are guarded by the people, and it is often seen that something will be decided by the common counsel of the city's men that the wiser and more prudent may think to be a bad decision; but, as things turn out, the decision is seen to have been an excellent one.
18. This is so because it is a government more of God than of men: the aforementioned and most illustrious emperor commended this form of government, when I was in his presence.[50]
This sort of government is so called when jurisdiction lies with the populace or with the multitude, not that the whole multitude should rule at once, but that the government should be committed to different people over time, according to the offices, and according to a cycle.[51]
19. The things I say concerning the multitude, I understand to mean "excluding the lowest people."[52] One can also exclude from this government any magnates so powerful as to oppress others,[53] and we see that this is done. But in the above-mentioned cities, if honors and rewards are distributed according to the appropriate ranks, the government is good and looks toward a superior reform.[54]
20. In the second place we need to inquire about a larger populace or a people in the second degree of magnitude. It does not suit them to be ruled by one king, for the previous reasons, nor does it suit them to be ruled by the multitude: it would in fact be extremely difficult and dangerous to get such a multitude together. But it does suit these people to be ruled by a few, that is, by the good and rich men of the city; this is shown expressly [in the laws][55], where, when the city of Rome had grown, senators were created and all power was given to them. the city of Venice is ruled this way, as is the city of Florence. These cities I rank among the "larger" cities. In these cities the previous worries do not apply. For although they are said to be ruled by "a few," I say that they are a few with respect to the multitude of [their own] citizens, but many with respect to other cities: hence they are many, since the multitude does not scorn to be ruled by them. Further, since they are many, they may not easily be divided among themselves, since many will remain in the middle and sustain the city. And the Gloss speaks of this way of ruling a city, when the city has grown into the
21. second degree of magnitude.[56] These things are true, unless something else appears concerning the old way of ruling the city. It is possible for a populace or a people to become so accustomed to a certain form of government that it becomes a sort of nature to them, and they do not know how to live otherwise: then the old form of government is to be preserved.[57]
22. In the third place we have to consider the largest populace or people, which is in the third degree of magnitude. This could come about in a city which is "one in itself": but if it were a city which ruled over many other cities and provinces, it would be better for that people to be ruled by one person. This is shown [in the laws],[58] where, when the Roman empire had grown greatly and taken over many provinces, rulership devolved upon one person, the princeps. All of the above arguments of the aforementioned brother Aegidius show this; this is the point at which counter arguments fail. In such a great multitude there will be of necessity many good men with whom it will befit the king to take counsel, people whom it will befit him to entrust with the duties of justice. We commonly see this in actual fact, because a people or populace is better ruled, the greater or more powerful the king who rules it. For this we have the authority of holy Scripture, as in Deuteronomy 17, where the Lord speaks thus: "When you have entered the land which the Lord God shall give you and possessed it, and have inherited within it, you shall say: 'I will set up for myself a king like those of the nations all around.' You will set up him whom the Lord your God chooses, out of the number of your brothers, nor shall you make a king from another people, who is not your brother." These are the words of the Lord. Concerning his words: "when you have entered and possessed and inherited" etc., one can see that a small people is not going to have a king: but a large people, in an important position and ruling over many, [will have a king], as was said above. Concerning the words "your God shall elect," it is clear that all kings are chosen by God, either directly or indirectly, or by electors with the inspiration of God. For the heart of the electors is in the hand of God, and he turns it whither he wishes.[59]
23. And from this you should note that a government [which is created] by election is more divine than [one which comes about] by succession. For this reason succession is absolutely abhorred where ecclesiastical goods are concerned,[60] and therefore the election of a prince who is a universal lord comes about through election by the princes and prelates, and it does not occur through succession.[61]
Now this is an empire [imperium] which God has constituted from the beginning, and the law warns us concerning these things.[62] Particular kings, though, more often are set up by men.[63] In this case it is permitted that the government should be passed on through succession: this is the sense in which Aegidius' statements in his book on princely government should be taken.[64] He determined that is was better for this government to descend by succession, for it should be transmitted, like all other goods and rights; but it is otherwise in the case of universal [governance], for [such transmission] would be against the canons and divine authority.
24. Now, from His words "out of the number of your brothers" note that it is dangerous to have a king of another nation. But, you will say, in that case, how was the empire of the Romans handed over [translatum] to the Germans, that is, the Teutons, by the Church?[65] My answer: all Christians are called our brothers, and so there was no contravention of the aforementioned authority. But it may not be transferred to a man of the Saracens, to a pagan or an infidel, and thereupon it follows that "you shall not make a king from another people," and on this account one needs to look closely at the person who is going to be crowned emperor. Or you could explain the words the way Augustine does,[66] as the Gloss says in the same place "you may not: that is, you should not"[67] about the king, since the rulership of another . . . people is not preserved so faithfully.
25. And therefore the Roman empire, once it was separated from the Italians, grew ever weaker in our eyes: this could nevertheless not have about without the hidden judgement of God.
26. I will not speak of small populaces. These are either subject to another city,[68] or are tied to another city or a king by some treaty so that that revere some other majesty.[69] We see this in castles and cities which are under the protection of this city of Perugia. Much as a small and weak human body cannot govern itself without the air of a caretaker and guardian, thus these small peoples can in no way be ruled in themselves, unless they are subjected or bound to another.
So much for the three forms of good government.
27. I ask then, of the three bad forms of government, which is worse. In this matter all the philosophers says that a tyranny is the worst principate, and occupies the final degree of malice. And the same Aegidius in his book said, as has been said, that a government is called good insofar as it tends toward the common good. But under a tyranny the common good is looked to least: whence a tyranny is the worst principate. Whence if several are ruling, who are held to be wealthy and good, or the multitude rules, even if these rulers incline to their own good, which is indeed not of God, and thus it is a rule "of the bad" or "of a perverse populace," nevertheless it would not diverge much from the intention of the common good; because, since they are many, they know something about the nature of the common good.
28. But if the tyrant is a single person then he does recede from the common good. Furthermore, since virtue united for a good thing is better, virtue united for a bad thing is worse.[70] That a tyrant is the worst is so obvious as to require no demonstration. and what was said above, that the rule of several bad men is not so bad as the rule of a single tyrant, should be understood to be true when the many tend to one purpose, and can do nothing except together: it is a different matter if each exercises his own tyranny, so that one cares not about the other, as I said above concerning the monstrous regime which now exists in Rome. Similarly when in one body there is a single corrupt humor which predominates and is bad; but if all the humors are corrupted they oppose each other etc., as has already been said.
29. Woe then to that city which has many tyrants with no common ground. This warning should be made, that the rule of several bad men or of a perverse people does not last long, but easily turns into a one-man tyranny; we often see this actually happen. This is God's own will, as it is written: "He who makes a hypocrite to rule, for the sins of the people," Job 34, [71] and because Italy today is full up with tyrants.
Footnotes
[1] I.1.2.3 (=D.1.1.6.1)
[2] Aristotle, Politics, III.7.1279a-1279b.
[3] Cf. Aquinas, De reg. princ. ad regem Cyp. 1.4.
[4] D.1.2.2.3-9.
[5] D.4.3.15.
[6] D.1.2.2.9.
[7] D.1.18.6.2.
[8] D.1.2.2.11.
[9] Consuetudines Feudorum II.55
[10] C.1.2.16, C.1.2.6. (Cf. De Tyranno 3.) D.42.4.7.4.
[11] D.1.5.14, and Decretals of Gregory IX 1.31.14.
[12] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[13] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[14] D.1.18.13 and Auth.3.4.2 (Novella 17).
[15] D.27.10.7 and D.8.3.28. References also to Aristotle, Posterior Analytics 1.2.72a, and Bartolus' comments on C.1.2, as well as D.12.2.24.
[16] Auth.6.13.1 = Novellae 85.
[17] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[18] D.1.7.15-16, and Bartolus' commentary on these passages.
[19] D.5.1.76, D.46.1.22 and Bartolus' commentary on the latter.
[20] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[21] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[22] Aristotle, Politics 3.10.1287b, 3.11.1281a-1281b, 3.15.1286a, 5.1.1302a, 5.9.1309a.
[23] D.1.1.1.1.
[24] D.1.1.10.
[25] C.6.22.8.
[26] C.6.51.1.14a.ß
[27] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.4.
[28] C.4.20.9.
[29] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.4.
[30] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.4.
[31] Offices of the Roman state. D.1.16, D.1.1.8, C.1.35.
[32] C.7.44.3, C1.55, Auth.3.2 = Novella 15.
[33] C.1.54.5, C.3.26, D.49.14.1.
[34] [Ptolemy of Lucca], De reg. princ. ad regem Cyp. 4.1.
[35] [Ptolemy of Lucca], De reg. princ. ad regem Cyp. 4.1.
[36] 1 Samuel 8:11-17
[37] D.50.17.209
[38] Aquinas, Summa theologiae Ia, IIae, q. 105, art. 1.
[39] I Kings 11:1-5.
[40] Isidore, Etymologies 6.2.7.
[41] C.1.4.19.6 and Bartolus' comment.
[42] Decretum II c. 23 q. 5 c. 23 and c. 40.
[43] Cons. Feud. 2.56 and D.1.2.2.1.
[44] D.19.2.9.1, D.39.2.13.2 and Bartolus' commentary, D.45.1.83.5. and Bartolus' commentary.
[45] D.1.2.2.16, D.1.2.2.14.
[46] Auth.6.3. = Novella 92, and Aristotle, Nichomachean Ethics 4.2.1122b-1123a; 8.11.1161a.
[47] I Sam. 8:18.
[48] D.1.2.2.3-9.
[49] D.1.2.2.10-11.
[50] Bartolus was part of a Perugian delegation to the imperial tribunal of Charles IV in Pisa, May 1355.
[51] D.1.2.2.16 and Auth.3.2.1 = Novella 15.
[52] C.12.1.6.
[53] D.1.18.6.2.
[54] D.50.4.3.15.
[55] D.1.2.2.9.
[56] Accursius, gloss on Auth.coll. III.2.1.
[57] D.50.4.1.1 and D.50.4.3.15
[58] D.1.2.2.11.
[59] C.1.1.8.3.
[60] X.1.17.7.
[61] X.1.6.34, Sextus 2.14.
[62] Auth.1.1. = Novella 6.
[63] D.1.1.5.
[64] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.5.
[65] X.1.6.34.
[66] Quaestiones in Heptateuchum, in Deut. 17:14-15 q. 26.
[67] Glossa interlinearis in Deut 17:14.
[68] D.50.1.30.
[69] D.49.15.7 and Bartolus' commentary.
[70] Aquinas, De reg. princ. ad regem Cyp. 1.3.
[71] Job 34:30.
1. The first sort of government there was in the city of Rome, after the expulsion of the kings, was "for the people," which Aristotle calls "political."
A democracy is the name of a government of those who are ruling for their own advantage, in opposition to the rich, or to any people.
2. The second kind of government in the city of Rome was by the senators, and this sort of government is good if it tends toward the common good, which Aristotle calls a government of the elders.
Oligarchy is called by Aristotle the reign of a few rich people who have no interest in the common good.
3. The third sort of government was government by one man. He is called a lord if he inclines to a good and common end, a tyrant if he is inclined to pursue bad or [merely] personal ends.
4. There are six types of government, three good, three bad.
5. The seventh kind of government now rules in the city of Rome, and is called a monstrous government.
6. It pertains to the jurist to investigate which sort of government is better.
7. The three forms of good government.
8. Monarchy, that is, the governance of one king, is the best sort of government.
9. Three things are required of any ruler, namely perfect reason, right intention, and perfect stability.
10. Not every sort of one-man rule is called the rule of a king.
11. Whether it is good to be ruled by kings.
12. What a king may demand from his subjects.
14. A consideration of what may happen when that which is being discussed tends naturally toward this.
15. A threefold division of populaces, because some cities are large, some larger still, some the largest of all.
16. A large city, in the first degree of magnitude, is better off with a government "for the people" than it is being ruled by a few people, or by only one.
17. The city of Siena was ruled by rich nobles for eighty years, and that government was expelled by the "populars" in the time of king Charles the Fourth.
18. Government "for the people" should be called a government of God rather than of men.
Charles the Fourth approved of the government "for the people."
19. [Both] magnates and the most wretched are excluded from a government "for the people."
20. A larger city, according to the scale of magnitude, is better ruled by a few good rich men, rather then by the populace, or by one person.
The city of Venice and the city of Florence are among the "larger" cities, and are ruled by a few of the wealthy.
21. A city accustomed to being ruled in a certain way should be governed in that way.
22. The largest cities or peoples are best ruled by a single king.
23. A government which results from election is more divine than one which results from succession.
24. It is dangerous to have a king of another nation.
All Christians are called brothers.
25. The Roman empire, after it was separated from the Italians, grew ever weaker.
26. Small populaces cannot be governed in themselves, unless they submit or adhere to another people.
27. A tyrant is the worst of all of the forms of government.
28. The rule of several bad men is not so evil as the rule of a single tyrant; and how this may be determined.
29. The rule of several bad men does not last long, and easily decays to the rule of a single tyrant.
Because this is the last part of the Tiber, and thus in the city of Rome, which is the head of the world, let us therefore examine some things concerning the ways of ruling a city. And this inquiry is twofold: in the first place an inquiry into ways of ruling as far as the laws are concerned, which may concern either the written or the unwritten law,[1] and this is an inquiry I will not pursue, since this is treated in various ways in various [other] places. In the second place an inquiry into ways of ruling as far as concerns the persons of the rulers, and this deserves some sort of examination. In the first place let us see in how many ways a city may be ruled. In the second place, which ways are better, which worse. In the third place let us examine some of the doubts which arise about these matters in the course of daily events.
In the first place, in how many ways a city may be ruled, three forms of good government can be garnered from our laws, and three which are contrary to them. Aristotle discusses a number of these forms quite clearly in the third book of his Politics and there he supplies his own names for those forms;[2] we will both make mention of those names and also insert names more fitting for the present time.
1. In the city of Rome, when the kings had been expelled, there were three forms of government.[3] The first by the people:[4] Aristotle called this sort of government policratia or "political," and we will call it a government "for the people," when the government is a good one, [that is] when the rulers chiefly consider the common good of all according to [each person's] state.
But if this multitude looks to its own good, and to oppose the rich, or any gens, this is a bad government and Aristotle describes it with the Greek word democratia: we call it a perverse populace. We have these two forms of government [in the laws][5], where, when honors and rewards are divided [in society] according to the appropriate degrees, we call it a good or worthy government; when these are divided unequally, such that some are burdened, others treated lightly, it is called a bad government, through which the republic is destroyed.
2. The second form of government in the city of Rome was by the senators, and thus by a few wealthy men who were good and prudent.[6] And if these few incline to the common good their lordship [principatus] is good and is called by Aristotle a government of the elders; the more common name is the one I used earlier, namely a lordship or government of the good. And if these few men do not incline to the common good, but are merely a few rich and powerful men oppressing others, eager for their own gain, then the government is a bad one, and is called by Aristotle oligarchy, which is the same as a lordship of the rich or a government of the bad: a name which is fairly common.[7]
3. The third form of government is that of one person,[8] and this according to Aristotle is called kingship. If this person is a universal lord, we call this form of government an empire [imperium]; if the rulership is particular, it is sometimes called kingship, sometimes a duchy, mark or county.[9] A duchy is what we commonly call the rule of a natural lord, if this lord works for a good and common purpose. If he works for a bad end, and for his own advantage, according to Aristotle he is called a tyrant, and is so called by the laws and customs.[10]
4. We have therefore six forms of government, three good, three bad, each one called by its own name; in truth, every bad kingship can be called in common parlance a tyranny, namely the tyranny of the people, the tyranny of certain people, and the tyranny of one person.
5. There is a seventh form of government, the worst, which now exists in the city of Rome; where there are many tyrants in different areas, so strong that none can overcome the others. There is also a common government over the whole city, so weak that it can do nothing against any of those tyrants, nor against any of their adherents except insofar as they are willing to suffer it. This sort of government Aristotle does not treat, and rightly so, for it is a monstrous thing. What is one to think, seeing a single body with a weak head, and many other heads stronger than that one, contesting among themselves? Certainly this thing would be a monster. Therefore it is called a monstrous government. It comes about through divine permission, to show how far is fallen every glory of the world. The city of Rome, the head of customs, the head of polities, has fallen into such monstrosity in its government that it can truly be said that it is no government at all, and has not even the form of a government.[11]
6. In the second place we must see which is a better form of government. This inquiry is a necessary one for jurists, since universal lords, when they consider the reformation of a city, either consult jurists or entrust the case to them; or, when the jurists are in session, an argument concerning city government may be brought before them. Therefore an inquiry as to which is the better form of government is necessary, a subject treated by Aristotle in the third book of the
7. Politics; but Aegidius Romanus, of the order of St. Augustine, who was a great philosopher and a master in theology, treats this more clearly in the book he wrote on the government of princes. I will therefore use his opinions and his arguments, in his own words, but I will not use the words of Aristotle, for they are unknown to the jurists to whom I address myself; but I will use his arguments and test them according to the laws, and afterwards I will relate my own opinion of the matter.
So: this Aegidius says that there are three good forms of government, as was mentioned above. The first is a form for ruling [by] the multitude, or "for the people," and it is good if it tends toward this end. The second form of government is better, namely the rule of a few.
8. The third form of government is best, namely monarchy, or the government of one king; this fact, namely that the rule of one person is the best lordship, he demonstrates by four reasons,[13] from which he concludes these two things, the first being: the peace and union of the citizens should be the final intention of the ruler.[14] But this peace and unity can be better brought about and observed if it is overseen by one, than if it is overseen by several: therefore it is better to be ruled by one person. This is proved in this way: in a government of several people there can be no peace except insofar as these several are of one will, which is clear since if they disagree, their action is impeded by their competition.[15] But the government of several is good as regards its unity; therefore the good government of this unity is much better when it is brought about through one person. Secondly this is proved in this way, since through this the city and republic is made stronger, which is proved thusly: the more strength is united, the stronger it is in comparison to its being dispersed among many.[16] If therefore the whole strength of the city were gathered into one person it would be more effective, and will better be able to be governed by that prince, on account of his greater strength.[17] In the third place an art or artifice is better insofar as it imitates nature;[18] but the whole city is a single person and a single artificial and imagined man.[19] But in a natural man we see one head and many members; therefore if a city is ruled thus it is ruled better, because it imitates nature more closely. On this see [X.1.31.14] and this is determined in Gratian [ii, c. 7, q. 1.41], where bees, and many other creatures lacking reason, set up a king for themselves. In the fourth place Aegidius says that this is established through experience, since he says he sees that provinces which are not governed by one king are in poverty, and do not enjoy peace, but rather are beset by strife and wars. Those which are under a king do not know wars, rejoice in peace, flourish in abundance.[20] From these things Aegidius concludes that the government of the people or multitude, which tends to a single end, is good, but that the government of a few is better, since it has a measure of unity. Monarchy though, of the rule of single king, is best, because a perfect unity is found therein.[21]
But against the aforementioned arguments the same Aegidius proposes other arguments, which he draws from the sayings of Aristotle, and attempts to respond to them.[22]
9. I will pass on these arguments, testing them by the laws. I will preface my examination of these arguments with the statement that three things are required in anyone who rules well. The first is a perfect discerning reason, so that he may know how to separate the just from the unjust, the licit from the illicit.[23] Second, he must have right intention. Third, he must have a perfect stability. These things are proven by the definition of justice, since it is said that justice is a constant and perpetual will which renders to each one his due.[24] From these three things there are three arguments against the aforementioned arguments. The first is this: the more people there are, the more things they see, and in them there is a more perceptive and discerning reason than in one person:[25] therefore, in this respect, it is better to be ruled by many. The second is this: the ruler has right intention when he looks more to the public good than to his own.[26] But if the multitude is in command, assuming that they look to their own good, they nonetheless withdraw from the common good no further, in so doing, than if one person were ruling and were acting for his personal good: therefore it is better to be ruled by many.[27] Thirdly, the ruler must have a perfect stability so that he may on no account be corrupted: because, as the law says, the will must be constant, and perpetual. But the multitude is born and is corrupted with more difficulty than is a single person.[28] Therefore it is better to be ruled by many people.[29]
Responding to these arguments he says that a single king or prince should have with him many counselors and powerful men, and therefore he will see things as if he were many, nor will he easily be able to be corrupted, unless his entire council is corrupted.
10. But if this king were to follow his own head he would not be a king, but a tyrant. It would not be good for such a person to rule, so says Aegidius.[30] I do not put forward these arguments to be understood simply, and for that reason, speaking in the manner of jurists on behalf of the aforementioned arguments I say at the beginning that not every government of that one person is the government of a king. For sometimes there is one who rules, and that one is only a judge, such as the praesides provinciarum and the proconsuls.[31] There are also podestà and civic rectors.[32] It falls to these people to judge according to the law, and they hold a regal position, namely that which pertains to ministers, but regalian powers do not pertain to them, but rather to the cities which they rule, or to some other superior, or to the fisc.[33] through judges like these God ruled the Jewish people for a long time,[34] as we can see throughout the Jewish book. Whenever one person rules a city or a province, and makes laws as he wishes, all things pertain to him, and this is called the rule of a king.[35]
11. But let us see what is the rightness [ius] of this kingship, so that we may thus see whether it is good to be ruled by kings. Of this the Lord says, through the prophet Samuel, I Kings 8:[36] "This shall be the law of the king who will rule over you: he shall take your sons and appoint them to his chariots, and to be his horsemen and to run before his chariots, and he shall appoint for himself tribunes and centurions and tillers of his fields. He will take your daughters to be perfumers and cooks and bakers, and he shall take your finest fields and vineyards and olive-groves and give them to his servants. He will take the tenth of your crops and vines, to give to his eunuchs and his servants. He will take the best of your servants and maids and your asses and the best of your youth and put them to work for him. He shall take the tenth of your flocks and you shall be servants to him" etc.
Here are the words of God, according to which it seems worst of all to be ruled by kings, because they bring so much ill upon their subjects and (what is worse) reduces them to slavery, which is like death.[37]
But these words are explained by the holy doctors in the following way, namely that all of these things should not be understood to be permitted to the king, but only those things which are set out above, since the king does these things when he begins to become a tyrant, which happens easily.[38] And because this was going to happen to them, therefore Samuel made the following prediction, "This shall be the law of the king who will rule over you," as if to say: let this not be permitted to every king, but rather to the one who is going to rule over you, since he will usurp this right for himself. It was displeasing to God that a king should have been made at all, as the chapter [of Scripture] says. That this is true appears in what one reads in Deuteronomy 17 [16-20], where it is taught what a good and right king ought to do.
And the Lord said these things concerning the future king: "When he has been established he shall not multiply horses for himself, nor shall he lead his people into Egypt to swell the ranks of his horsemen, since the Lord has said to you that you shall not return that way again, he shall not have many wives to beguile his soul, nor great masses of gold and silver. After he sits upon his throne he shall copy out for himself the Deuteronomy of this law in a book, taking his example from the priests of the Levite tribe, and he shall keep it with him and read from it all the days of his life, that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, to keep His words and ceremonies which are laid down in the laws, that his heart not be lifted up in pride against his brothers, that he turn aside neither to the right nor to the left. And he shall rule for a long time, as will his son, in Israel." These are the words of God which we should examine somehow. For he says "when he has been established." From this it is conceded that one must be made king by another, rather than assuming the kingship on one's own authority: in this case one would not be a king, but a tyrant, as we have said above. Then he says "he shall not multiply horses for himself:" "to multiply" is to have more than is sufficient for one's needs. "Nor shall he lead his people into Egypt" etc.: these words can be taken literally as they stand, namely that the king of the Jews ought never to go forth to occupy the land of Egypt. They can also be understood allegorically, as though He were saying: let the king not lead his people into slavery, which slavery is represented by Egypt, where that people was being held in captivity. With these words, therefore, He prohibits burdening the people with personal burdens, which are a sort of slavery. "He shall not have many wives:" above he forbade empty glory, here he forbids luxury to the king. for luxury separates the king's soul from true judgement, not only toward men, but toward God, as befell in the case of Solomon, who became an idolator as is read in 3 Kings 11.[39] "Nor great masses of gold and silver:" here He prohibits avarice. Inasmuch as through excessive ceremony a great deal of money is expended, and through this the people are burdened, so also through avarice a great deal is extorted from the people. After He has above prohibited certain things from being done, he then orders that certain things be done: "he shall write out for himself the Deuteronomy" of this law, this is interpreted by Isidore as a second law, and it is the image [figura] of the evangelic law.[40] The king must therefore be faithful and catholic.[41] "Taking his example from the priests of the Levite tribe:" in those priests holy mother Church is figured, from which every king must take the exemplar of the Christian law. "Nor let his heart be lifted up in pride:" here He goes back in order to prohibit something again, namely that pride of the heart which is the root of all evils. "Against his brothers:" it is plain, therefore, that those who are subjects are not the king's slaves, but his brothers, and thus what the preceding authority said concerned not the true king, but the tyrant. "That he turn aside neither to the right nor to the left," it is as if He said: let his judgement be right, neither out of love nor out of hatred, as if He had said: let him be just. The good king must therefore be faithful, Christian, just, neither overweening nor one who burdens his people, no lover of luxury, neither greedy nor proud.
The king must also do other things which are laid down by Gratian.[42]
12. But the things put forward there are adapted to the foregoing statements: although it is there established what the king should do and how he should be in himself, it is not there established what he may exact from his subjects. This is my answer: he may exact expenses which are appropriate for the royal majesty. But we have this written expressly [in the feudal laws], where it is said that all tributes, public rents [vectigalia] and public taxes [census], which are named there explicitly, pertain to the king; and that it also pertains to the king to impose taxes [collectas] out of necessity, as is written there, and it is also shown by the law of the Digests that kings have every power.[43]
13. Having seen what the rights of a king are, let us return to the question whether it is useful for a city or a people to be ruled by a king; insofar as that king is a good one according to the above conditions, the best rule is the rule of a king, for the reasons discussed above. And this is how I understand the opinion of Aristotle and of Aegidius.
14. If we then consider the things which may come about, since a king sometimes turns into a tyrant, either he or his descendants, then I say we must consider what can happen when the situation being examined has a natural and likely tendency toward this end.[44]
15. Having said this I will make a three-fold division of cities or of populaces; for one may have a large city or a people [gens], in the first degree of magnitude, a city or people which is larger and hence in the second degree of magnitude, or a city or people of the largest sort, and hence in the third degree of magnitude.
16. If we talk about a large city or populace, in the first degree, then I will say that it not suitable to that populace to be ruled by a king. This is shown in the first place by a text, because, when the city of Rome was in the first degree of magnitude it expelled the kings, who had fallen into tyranny.[45] And it is also proved by reason, since it is in the nature of kings to be magnificent in making great expenditures:[46] but the royal revenues of a populace large only in the first degree are not going to be enough for royal expenses, and so the king will have to extort them from his subjects, and thus he will become a tyrant. The situation of such a king tends very likely toward tyranny, and hence this is not a good form of government, if you consider how the situation is likely to turn out. This is the reason, because it displeases God when a people seeks a king, as in I Kings.[47] Nor is it useful to such a populace to be ruled by a few people, as, for example, by the city's rich men. For if it happens that in these cities the rich are few in number, one of two things will happen: the populace may well be offended by the rule of these few now matter how well the populace is ruled, as occurred in the city of Siena. There was for about eighty years a certain group of rich men who governed the city wisely and well, but nevertheless, since the multitude of the populace was angry with them, they had to hold on by armed force. This group was thrown out upon the arrival of Charles IV, most illustrious emperor of the Romans, who was ruling at that time. The deed of this prince shows that this sort of government is not good in cities of this type.
Another inappropriate thing can follow from this, because those few people, as it naturally happens, could be divided among themselves, from which fact rumors, plots, fires and civil wars run round the cities, as we often see in the city of Pisa. It is therefore fitting for that populace which is in the first degree of magnitude to be ruled by the multitude, which is called a government "for the people."[48] That this is a good form of government is clear, because in that time the city of Rome grew greatly.[49] It also is clear from the aforementioned authority of the book of Kings: it seems more a government of God rather than of men.
17. And we have seen this in the city of Perugia, which in this way is ruled in peace and grows in unity and flourishes, and those who rule the city according to their offices are on guard against no one, but they themselves are guarded by the people, and it is often seen that something will be decided by the common counsel of the city's men that the wiser and more prudent may think to be a bad decision; but, as things turn out, the decision is seen to have been an excellent one.
18. This is so because it is a government more of God than of men: the aforementioned and most illustrious emperor commended this form of government, when I was in his presence.[50]
This sort of government is so called when jurisdiction lies with the populace or with the multitude, not that the whole multitude should rule at once, but that the government should be committed to different people over time, according to the offices, and according to a cycle.[51]
19. The things I say concerning the multitude, I understand to mean "excluding the lowest people."[52] One can also exclude from this government any magnates so powerful as to oppress others,[53] and we see that this is done. But in the above-mentioned cities, if honors and rewards are distributed according to the appropriate ranks, the government is good and looks toward a superior reform.[54]
20. In the second place we need to inquire about a larger populace or a people in the second degree of magnitude. It does not suit them to be ruled by one king, for the previous reasons, nor does it suit them to be ruled by the multitude: it would in fact be extremely difficult and dangerous to get such a multitude together. But it does suit these people to be ruled by a few, that is, by the good and rich men of the city; this is shown expressly [in the laws][55], where, when the city of Rome had grown, senators were created and all power was given to them. the city of Venice is ruled this way, as is the city of Florence. These cities I rank among the "larger" cities. In these cities the previous worries do not apply. For although they are said to be ruled by "a few," I say that they are a few with respect to the multitude of [their own] citizens, but many with respect to other cities: hence they are many, since the multitude does not scorn to be ruled by them. Further, since they are many, they may not easily be divided among themselves, since many will remain in the middle and sustain the city. And the Gloss speaks of this way of ruling a city, when the city has grown into the
21. second degree of magnitude.[56] These things are true, unless something else appears concerning the old way of ruling the city. It is possible for a populace or a people to become so accustomed to a certain form of government that it becomes a sort of nature to them, and they do not know how to live otherwise: then the old form of government is to be preserved.[57]
22. In the third place we have to consider the largest populace or people, which is in the third degree of magnitude. This could come about in a city which is "one in itself": but if it were a city which ruled over many other cities and provinces, it would be better for that people to be ruled by one person. This is shown [in the laws],[58] where, when the Roman empire had grown greatly and taken over many provinces, rulership devolved upon one person, the princeps. All of the above arguments of the aforementioned brother Aegidius show this; this is the point at which counter arguments fail. In such a great multitude there will be of necessity many good men with whom it will befit the king to take counsel, people whom it will befit him to entrust with the duties of justice. We commonly see this in actual fact, because a people or populace is better ruled, the greater or more powerful the king who rules it. For this we have the authority of holy Scripture, as in Deuteronomy 17, where the Lord speaks thus: "When you have entered the land which the Lord God shall give you and possessed it, and have inherited within it, you shall say: 'I will set up for myself a king like those of the nations all around.' You will set up him whom the Lord your God chooses, out of the number of your brothers, nor shall you make a king from another people, who is not your brother." These are the words of the Lord. Concerning his words: "when you have entered and possessed and inherited" etc., one can see that a small people is not going to have a king: but a large people, in an important position and ruling over many, [will have a king], as was said above. Concerning the words "your God shall elect," it is clear that all kings are chosen by God, either directly or indirectly, or by electors with the inspiration of God. For the heart of the electors is in the hand of God, and he turns it whither he wishes.[59]
23. And from this you should note that a government [which is created] by election is more divine than [one which comes about] by succession. For this reason succession is absolutely abhorred where ecclesiastical goods are concerned,[60] and therefore the election of a prince who is a universal lord comes about through election by the princes and prelates, and it does not occur through succession.[61]
Now this is an empire [imperium] which God has constituted from the beginning, and the law warns us concerning these things.[62] Particular kings, though, more often are set up by men.[63] In this case it is permitted that the government should be passed on through succession: this is the sense in which Aegidius' statements in his book on princely government should be taken.[64] He determined that is was better for this government to descend by succession, for it should be transmitted, like all other goods and rights; but it is otherwise in the case of universal [governance], for [such transmission] would be against the canons and divine authority.
24. Now, from His words "out of the number of your brothers" note that it is dangerous to have a king of another nation. But, you will say, in that case, how was the empire of the Romans handed over [translatum] to the Germans, that is, the Teutons, by the Church?[65] My answer: all Christians are called our brothers, and so there was no contravention of the aforementioned authority. But it may not be transferred to a man of the Saracens, to a pagan or an infidel, and thereupon it follows that "you shall not make a king from another people," and on this account one needs to look closely at the person who is going to be crowned emperor. Or you could explain the words the way Augustine does,[66] as the Gloss says in the same place "you may not: that is, you should not"[67] about the king, since the rulership of another . . . people is not preserved so faithfully.
25. And therefore the Roman empire, once it was separated from the Italians, grew ever weaker in our eyes: this could nevertheless not have about without the hidden judgement of God.
26. I will not speak of small populaces. These are either subject to another city,[68] or are tied to another city or a king by some treaty so that that revere some other majesty.[69] We see this in castles and cities which are under the protection of this city of Perugia. Much as a small and weak human body cannot govern itself without the air of a caretaker and guardian, thus these small peoples can in no way be ruled in themselves, unless they are subjected or bound to another.
So much for the three forms of good government.
27. I ask then, of the three bad forms of government, which is worse. In this matter all the philosophers says that a tyranny is the worst principate, and occupies the final degree of malice. And the same Aegidius in his book said, as has been said, that a government is called good insofar as it tends toward the common good. But under a tyranny the common good is looked to least: whence a tyranny is the worst principate. Whence if several are ruling, who are held to be wealthy and good, or the multitude rules, even if these rulers incline to their own good, which is indeed not of God, and thus it is a rule "of the bad" or "of a perverse populace," nevertheless it would not diverge much from the intention of the common good; because, since they are many, they know something about the nature of the common good.
28. But if the tyrant is a single person then he does recede from the common good. Furthermore, since virtue united for a good thing is better, virtue united for a bad thing is worse.[70] That a tyrant is the worst is so obvious as to require no demonstration. and what was said above, that the rule of several bad men is not so bad as the rule of a single tyrant, should be understood to be true when the many tend to one purpose, and can do nothing except together: it is a different matter if each exercises his own tyranny, so that one cares not about the other, as I said above concerning the monstrous regime which now exists in Rome. Similarly when in one body there is a single corrupt humor which predominates and is bad; but if all the humors are corrupted they oppose each other etc., as has already been said.
29. Woe then to that city which has many tyrants with no common ground. This warning should be made, that the rule of several bad men or of a perverse people does not last long, but easily turns into a one-man tyranny; we often see this actually happen. This is God's own will, as it is written: "He who makes a hypocrite to rule, for the sins of the people," Job 34, [71] and because Italy today is full up with tyrants.
Footnotes
[1] I.1.2.3 (=D.1.1.6.1)
[2] Aristotle, Politics, III.7.1279a-1279b.
[3] Cf. Aquinas, De reg. princ. ad regem Cyp. 1.4.
[4] D.1.2.2.3-9.
[5] D.4.3.15.
[6] D.1.2.2.9.
[7] D.1.18.6.2.
[8] D.1.2.2.11.
[9] Consuetudines Feudorum II.55
[10] C.1.2.16, C.1.2.6. (Cf. De Tyranno 3.) D.42.4.7.4.
[11] D.1.5.14, and Decretals of Gregory IX 1.31.14.
[12] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[13] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[14] D.1.18.13 and Auth.3.4.2 (Novella 17).
[15] D.27.10.7 and D.8.3.28. References also to Aristotle, Posterior Analytics 1.2.72a, and Bartolus' comments on C.1.2, as well as D.12.2.24.
[16] Auth.6.13.1 = Novellae 85.
[17] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[18] D.1.7.15-16, and Bartolus' commentary on these passages.
[19] D.5.1.76, D.46.1.22 and Bartolus' commentary on the latter.
[20] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[21] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.3.
[22] Aristotle, Politics 3.10.1287b, 3.11.1281a-1281b, 3.15.1286a, 5.1.1302a, 5.9.1309a.
[23] D.1.1.1.1.
[24] D.1.1.10.
[25] C.6.22.8.
[26] C.6.51.1.14a.ß
[27] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.4.
[28] C.4.20.9.
[29] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.4.
[30] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.4.
[31] Offices of the Roman state. D.1.16, D.1.1.8, C.1.35.
[32] C.7.44.3, C1.55, Auth.3.2 = Novella 15.
[33] C.1.54.5, C.3.26, D.49.14.1.
[34] [Ptolemy of Lucca], De reg. princ. ad regem Cyp. 4.1.
[35] [Ptolemy of Lucca], De reg. princ. ad regem Cyp. 4.1.
[36] 1 Samuel 8:11-17
[37] D.50.17.209
[38] Aquinas, Summa theologiae Ia, IIae, q. 105, art. 1.
[39] I Kings 11:1-5.
[40] Isidore, Etymologies 6.2.7.
[41] C.1.4.19.6 and Bartolus' comment.
[42] Decretum II c. 23 q. 5 c. 23 and c. 40.
[43] Cons. Feud. 2.56 and D.1.2.2.1.
[44] D.19.2.9.1, D.39.2.13.2 and Bartolus' commentary, D.45.1.83.5. and Bartolus' commentary.
[45] D.1.2.2.16, D.1.2.2.14.
[46] Auth.6.3. = Novella 92, and Aristotle, Nichomachean Ethics 4.2.1122b-1123a; 8.11.1161a.
[47] I Sam. 8:18.
[48] D.1.2.2.3-9.
[49] D.1.2.2.10-11.
[50] Bartolus was part of a Perugian delegation to the imperial tribunal of Charles IV in Pisa, May 1355.
[51] D.1.2.2.16 and Auth.3.2.1 = Novella 15.
[52] C.12.1.6.
[53] D.1.18.6.2.
[54] D.50.4.3.15.
[55] D.1.2.2.9.
[56] Accursius, gloss on Auth.coll. III.2.1.
[57] D.50.4.1.1 and D.50.4.3.15
[58] D.1.2.2.11.
[59] C.1.1.8.3.
[60] X.1.17.7.
[61] X.1.6.34, Sextus 2.14.
[62] Auth.1.1. = Novella 6.
[63] D.1.1.5.
[64] Aegidius Romanus, De reg. princ. 3.2.5.
[65] X.1.6.34.
[66] Quaestiones in Heptateuchum, in Deut. 17:14-15 q. 26.
[67] Glossa interlinearis in Deut 17:14.
[68] D.50.1.30.
[69] D.49.15.7 and Bartolus' commentary.
[70] Aquinas, De reg. princ. ad regem Cyp. 1.3.
[71] Job 34:30.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)